Insight Turkey Summer 2023 The Century Of T Rkiye

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Insight Turkey Summer 2023 The Century Of T Rkiye

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Author :
language : tr
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2023-10-01

Insight Turkey Summer 2023 The Century Of T Rkiye written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-10-01 with Political Science categories.

Türkiye is currently commemorating the centenary of the proclamation of the Republican regime. After signing the Lausanne Peace Treaty with the victorious powers of the First World War on July 24, 1923, the Turkish state changed the regime from monarchy to republic. Therefore, although it was designed as a new state by transforming its capital city from the imperial İstanbul to Ankara, the Republic of Türkiye is the successor state of the Ottoman Empire. Most state institutions such as the Council of the State (Danıştay) and the Turkish Police Service (Türk Polis Teşkilatı), both established in the second half of the 19th century, are inherited from the Ottomans. The establishment of the Republican regime as a continuation of the Ottoman Empire, a global power extending over three continents, can be compared with the birth of a phoenix out of its ashes. According to the Greek and Egyptian mythology, the phoenix is a bird that throws itself into fire after living for centuries and is reborn from its ashes. It is believed that the main reason for this suicidal act is the distress caused by living in the same pattern for a long time, since it desires to return as a different bird from the ashes. Similarly, many historians and political scientists consider the entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War as a suicidal act. Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, after the war, the Turkish state was born out of its ashes, changed its pattern of government in 1923 and established a new regime. However, domestic, regional and global conditions and developments did not allow Türkiye, the phoenix, to spread its wings. Throughout the 20th century, Türkiye largely followed a defensive domestic and foreign policy. While it tried to build a new “nation” and consolidate the new regime at the domestic level, Türkiye tried to follow a passive and reactive policy towards external developments at the international level. Türkiye secured its borders during the first half of the 20th century and entered into the NATO alliance, with the Western world against the Soviet threat, for the second half. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Türkiye experienced an identity crisis in the first decade of the post-Cold War era. Early in the 21st century, the AK Party, under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, came to power and largely restructured Türkiye’s domestic and foreign policies. At the domestic setting, President Erdoğan and the AK Party successfully normalized state-society relations, made peace with its history, abolished the long-time bureaucratic tutelage, and decreased pressure on certain social groups excluded from the state structure such as the religious groups, Kurds, and Alevis. Radical changes, which are described as a “quiet revolution” by Turkish and foreign observers, were made in different issue areas such as education, health, infrastructure, and economy. Since 2002, the successive AK Party governments under the leadership of President Erdoğan redefined Türkiye’s foreign policy orientation. Ankara has completed many mega infrastructural projects over the last two decades. After increasing its economic power and military capacity at the national level, Türkiye began to take initiatives and to play a leadership role in its regions. Accordingly, it improved its relations with the Turkic and Muslim worlds. Furthermore, it expanded its sphere of influence and started to deal with global issues. By increasing its effectiveness in international platforms, Türkiye began to contribute to resolving global problems. Just before the centennial commemoration of the Turkish Republic in October 2022, President Erdoğan unveiled a new foreign policy vision known as the ‘Century of Türkiye.’ This strategic discourse aims to establish a ‘Turkish Axis’ at the onset of Türkiye’s second century. Within this context, President Erdoğan emphasized that Türkiye’s path to achieving autonomy in international politics hinges on breaking free from internal and external tutelage. For several years, Türkiye has been meticulously preparing to adapt to shifts in the global political landscape and the evolving balance of power. This new Turkish foreign policy vision for the 21st century carries forward the nation’s historical pursuit of greater autonomy and a broader sphere of influence, a quest that spans the entirety of the 20th century. However, what sets the current foreign policy orientation apart from the previous century is its approach to alliance formation. Under the rule of the AK Party, Türkiye has undergone a paradigm shift by diversifying its foreign relationships and fostering strategic engagements. This transformation, coupled with President Erdoğan’s charismatic leadership and two decades of political stability, has provided Türkiye with a unique opportunity to expand its sphere of influence on a global scale, akin to a triumphant rebirth like that of a phoenix. The year 2023 holds immense significance for Türkiye, as it marked (among others) not only one of the most pivotal elections -with local, regional and global implications, but also the centenary of the Republic’s establishment. Consequently, throughout this year, Insight Turkey has been dedicated to delivering in-depth analyses of Türkiye’s domestic affairs and foreign policies. To complete the picture, this issue of Insight Turkey embarks on a profound exploration, delving into the progress Türkiye has achieved over the past century. It also shines a spotlight on the Century of Türkiye vision, which outlines the nation’s aspirations for the upcoming century. The goal is to offer a comprehensive analysis, examining Türkiye’s historical evolution and transformation, identifying the catalysts behind these changes, and ultimately, shedding light on what these developments signify for Türkiye’s future. In line with this objective, the latest issue of Insight Turkey features a total of 5 comprehensive commentaries. Among these, 2 commentaries delve deeply into the evolution of Turkish foreign policy, while the remaining 3 offer valuable insights into various aspects of bilateral relations. Additionally, the issue includes a collection of 8 research articles, although it’s worth noting that 3 of these articles are off-topic. The commentary section opens with the significant insights shared by Hakan Fidan, the newly appointed Foreign Minister of the Republic of Türkiye, concerning the Turkish foreign policy vision. Fidan’s commentary underscores the dynamic shifts in geopolitical landscapes, the escalating global challenges, and the position of Türkiye in this changing international system. He emphasizes Türkiye’s aspiration to emerge as a pivotal player, characterized by inclusivity and efficacy, capable of addressing the pressing global and regional issues. Fidan asserts that in this 21st century, Türkiye is resolutely committed to shaping the foundations for enduring peace and prosperity within its region and beyond, all while adeptly safeguarding its national interests amidst a turbulent global milieu. In the second commentary, Klaus Jurgens focuses on discovering the underlying reasons for the development of Türkiye’s modern foreign policy. Instead of pursuing bilateral relations with individual countries, he aims to identify the catalyst that triggered the first measurable change in the country’s approach to foreign policy. According to the author, in more than two decades Türkiye has made progress towards becoming a fully integrated and often trend-setting international actor. From a historical perspective, Ali Bakir considers Türkiye’s foreign policy towards the Middle East, a region deeply intertwined with Türkiye’s heritage. The author examines Türkiye’s approach to the region from the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne to the rise of the AK Party in the early 2000s, reflecting both its historical ties and strategic imperatives; he emphasizes the concepts of reactivity, assertiveness, autonomy, diplomacy, neutrality, revisionism, and pro-activeness. As a result, the commentary offers insights into the evolving nature of Türkiye’s versatile and adaptable foreign policy and role in the Middle East over the last 100 years (1923-2023). In the following commentaries, while Dolapo Fakuade looks at Türkiye-Africa relations from the perspective of humanitarian aid and security agreements, Alessia Chiriatti examines Türkiye-Italy relations through food diplomacy and membership in joint international organizations. Dolapo emphasizes that Türkiye does not have a significant colonial history on the continent, unlike other European countries, and evaluates the relations with Africa in recent years through the concept of soft power, concluding that the relations are gradually strengthening. Using examples of Türkiye’s security and humanitarian aid deployments in Somalia, Libya and Nigeria, he argues that the relationship between Türkiye and African countries has resulted in more promising and positive impacts on the continent, not least due to relations arising from historical ties with the Ottoman Empire. On the other hand, Chiriatti discusses Italy-Türkiye relations through food diplomacy and NATO membership, establishing parallels between the current global diplomacy, especially in the midst of the Ukraine crisis. She also explores how Türkiye uses food diplomacy, such as the Black Sea Grain Initiative, to strengthen its regional and global influence. As stated above, the Century of Türkiye vision is the main highlight of this issue. Within this perspective, Muhittin Ataman, in his article, provides a comprehensive analysis of Türkiye’s developing foreign policy in recent years, examines the changes and transformations in depth, and discusses the basic principles and goals that define Türkiye’s new foreign policy vision. Ataman argues that President Erdoğan, after a tough struggle against both domestic and foreign tutelage, managed to achieve strategic autonomy in Turkish foreign policy and built a strong economy and increased its military capacity at the national level. The author also argues that Türkiye began to take initiative and play a leadership role at the regional level by improving its relations with both Turkic and Muslim countries, and claims that it also increased its status at the global level by diversifying its relations with other actors. In the next research article, Hasan Yükselen delves into what he perceives as the emergence of a new strategic discourse in Turkish foreign policy, referred to as the Century of Türkiye. Yükselen explores the various factors that play a pivotal role in shaping this discourse, elucidates how the institution perceives structural changes, examines Türkiye’s positioning in response to shifts in the international political system, global economy, and geography. Furthermore, he analyzes both the potential dangers and promises, associated with this strategic direction, and delves into the specific content and components of this emerging discourse. Focusing especially on the naval strategies, Serkan Balkan and Murat Yeşiltaş aim to examine the evolution of Türkiye’s naval strategy from a coastal defense-focused concept to an assertive concept with a broader geopolitical perspective. Balkan and Yeşiltaş offer an in-depth analysis of the evolution of Türkiye’s maritime strategy from the early years of the Republic to the present day. Furthermore, they examine various contextual factors influencing the transformation of Türkiye’s naval forces, including the intra-institutional context within the Turkish Armed Forces, the discursive context regarding dominant geopolitical narratives, and the geostrategic context regarding the operationalization of Turkish naval strategy. Shifting our focus to one of the most contentious subjects concerning Türkiye, Insight Turkey presents two research articles that offer diverse perspectives on the Türkiye-Europe relations. Firstly, Kemal İnat and Filiz Cicioğlu analyze the important developments and general trends in Türkiye-Europe relations in the last century and put forward the main argument that while European countries were the regions with which Türkiye had the closest economic and political relations at the time of the establishment of the Republic, Europe is gradually losing this position. In this article, the authors discuss why the relevant countries chose to pursue a policy of pressure and sanctions against Türkiye’s democratically elected AK Party government and how the Turkish government reacted to such behavior. In the other research article focused on Türkiye-Europe relations, Hasan Ulusoy and Oğuz Güngörmez examine the discourses of right-wing populist parliamentarians in the European Parliament (EP) towards Türkiye from a social constructivist perspective. By comparatively analyzing the 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 parliamentary periods, the authors reveal which discursive strategies the MPs used in their statements about Türkiye and what kind of a representation of Türkiye they built in the EP. From our off-topic pieces, Ewa Czarkowska and Magdalena Kumelska-Koniecko aim to analyze the U.S.’ Middle East strategy in the context of the ongoing distribution of power in the region under the influence of the Iran-Russia-Türkiye triangle, using the example of the Syrian civil war. In the following off-topic research article, Mehmet Öztürk and Melih Duman focus on the development of Türkiye’s relations with Africa by using the role theory and documentary source screening based on Ministry of Foreign Affairs sources. Last but not least, Kıvanç Ulusoy and Pınar Atakara examine the current Cyprus conflict amid Eastern Mediterranean developments contending that the energy discoveries have escalated tensions rather than fostering a solution. Furthermore, they argue that the conflict’s path since the Greek Cypriot administration’s EU membership in 2004 reflects a ‘joint decision trap,’ with EU inaction leading Türkiye to adopt a traditional hard power strategy. In light of these crucial topics, Insight Turkey has included in this issue valuable research that both reflects on Turkish foreign policy from historical perspectives and looks ahead to the future. This exploration is part of our third special issue of the year, commemorating the Centennial of the Republic of Türkiye and unveiling the vision of the Century of Türkiye. We are confident that the thought-provoking and enlightening discussions within this issue will greatly benefit our esteemed readers.

Insight Turkey Fall 2023 Turktime Has Begun

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Author : Abzal Dosbolov
language : en
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date :

Insight Turkey Fall 2023 Turktime Has Begun written by Abzal Dosbolov and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on with Political Science categories.

The 10th Summit of the Heads of State of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) is a significant event for the Turkic World, scheduled for November 3, 2023, in Astana, Kazakhstan. Hosted by President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, this summit is set to be a vital gathering for the leaders of Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Türkiye, Uzbekistan, and observer states, along with the Secretary General of the OTS. The Summit was crowned with the central theme, “TURKTIME,” a visionary proclamation from the leaders to future generations. This theme embodies a unified, cooperative spirit, and a collective determination to steer the Turkic World toward a trajectory of prosperity and comprehensive development. The acronym “TURKTIME” encapsulates key principles that serve as the guiding framework of the Summit: Traditions, Unification, Reforms, Knowledge, Trust, Investments, Mediation, and Energy. Each pillar of “TURKTIME” represents a fundamental commitment and strategic focus area: – Traditions: Upholding and valuing the rich cultural and historical heritage of the Turkic nations. – Unification: Fostering a sense of unity and solidarity among the Turkic States, enhancing regional integration. – Reforms: Advocating for progressive changes and modernization across various sectors to meet contemporary challenges. – Knowledge: Promoting the exchange of knowledge, information, and best practices among member states. – Trust: Building a foundation of trust, both within and outside the Turkic community, essential for effective collaboration. – Investments: Encouraging investment flows within the region, focusing on sustainable and mutually beneficial economic growth. – Mediation: Engaging in constructive mediation to resolve conflicts, thereby ensuring regional stability and peace. – Energy: Intensifying cooperation in the energy sector, recognizing its critical role in the economic vitality and security of the Turkic states. This holistic roadmap, anchored by the “TURKTIME” ethos, charts a transformative course for the OTS. It emphasizes the importance of unity, cooperation, and sustainable development as cornerstones for the future. The Summit’s strategic vision, as encapsulated by “TURKTIME,” aligns the collective efforts of the Turkic World towards achieving shared goals and facing global challenges with a united front. While cooperation is gaining momentum in the Turkestan region, the global landscape simultaneously confronts multifaceted challenges. Politically, the rise of populist movements and shifts in global leadership dynamics have introduced new complexities. Escalating regional conflicts and the proliferation of non-state actors have amplified security concerns. Economically, the world faces uncertainty, marked by fluctuating markets, trade tensions, and concerns over sustainable development. Environmentally, the escalating impacts of climate change, biodiversity loss, and resource depletion present critical challenges. Furthermore, the rapid advancement and integration of technology in every sphere poses opportunities and unprecedented challenges, particularly in cybersecurity, digital privacy, and the ethical implications of artificial intelligence. This intricate tapestry of political, security, economic, environmental, and technical issues encapsulates the multifaceted nature of contemporary global difficulties. Besides resurgence of traditional security issues such as the return of power politics and the intensified global rivalry, the world now faces unconventional threats such as food crisis, health issues, climate change, global warming, and illegal refugee problems. The United States (U.S.) lost much of its constructive power and political will to act as an effective hegemon. Neither the U.S. nor the challenging powers such as Russia respect the main principles of international law and decisions of global international organization such as the United Nations (UN). Enforcement and respect for international law are critical challenges in current International Relations. International law acts as a framework for global governance, but its effectiveness largely depends on the willingness and power of states. The U.S. and Russia, as permanent members of the UN Security Council, profoundly influence the interpretation and enforcement of international norms and laws. However, their actions often reveal a selective adherence to international legal obligations, influenced by national interests and political objectives. This selective adherence of states above, brings to light the complexity of applying international law, where balancing national interests and political agendas with international legal commitments becomes a delicate task. A significant instance of this selective adherence is the U.S.’ exercise of its veto power at the UN Security Council, obstructing a widely supported resolution for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza. This act is indicative of the U.S.’s distinct role in international decision-making, which should ideally contribute to global welfare rather than represent a form of exceptionalism. Against this backdrop, the “World is Bigger than Five” discourse by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan becomes increasingly relevant, calling for a more inclusive, just and representative global decision-making process for the UN. Echoing UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ comments on the U.S.’ veto in the Security Council —where he noted, “The delay comes at a cost, the (Security) Council’s authority and credibility were severely undermined, and the resolution is not being implemented”— there is an urgent need for reform in the UN system. Such reforms are vital to confront challenges like the U.S.’ veto power, ensuring the UN’s capacity to effectively prevent wars and maintain international peace and security. At the end, the world system has totally collapsed, especially after the most recent violations of the system such as the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation and the Israeli genocidal acts in the Gaza Strip against the innocent Palestinians. While the Western states, which are considered as the pro-status quo powers, fiercely opposed the Russian invasion of Ukraine, they did not oppose the Israeli atrocities. On the contrary, Western countries, particularly the U.S., have provided unconditional and limitless military, political, and economic support to Israel. As mentioned earlier, such selective adherence exacerbates the crisis on this matter. Furthermore, global international organizations such as the UN, as Secretary General Guterres underlined, fail to prevent regional and global conflict and to punish the states who violates basic human rights and commit war crimes. In this chaotic and unstable world, many middle power states have been trying to form regional coalitions to increase their deterrent powers and to establish balance of power against real or potential threats. Türkiye, as a regional power and a global actor, has also been trying to form bilateral and multilateral regional coalitions with certain countries to maximize its national interests and also to increase its regional effectiveness. Within this context, the AK Party government, under the leadership of President Erdoğan, has declared the establishment of a Turkish Axis at the beginning of the second century of the Turkish Republic. When examined closely, it can be easily inferred that there are two main groups of states that Türkiye can improve its relations to form the Turkish Axis, namely Turkic and Muslim states. Türkiye has accordingly tried to improve its relations with the Turkic states in the context of ongoing geopolitical turbulence and shifts at the global and regional levels. In alignment with its broader geopolitical strategy, Türkiye has played a crucial role in shaping the OTS, particularly since the 8th Turkic Summit, which took place in İstanbul on November 12, 2021. This influential role was further highlighted in the wake of Türkiye’s significant support to Azerbaijan during the Second Karabakh War. This involvement not only solidified Türkiye’s relations with fellow Turkic states but also expanded its strategic and economic engagement in the (Turkestan) region. Such developments are indicative of Türkiye’s escalating influence within the Eurasian geopolitical sphere, characterized by a harmonious blend of diplomatic, economic, and cultural cooperation under the auspices of the OTS framework. Türkiye recognizes the strategic significance of its engagement with the Turkic states located in Central Asia and the Caucasus, the regions that have long attracted the attention of global powers due to their abundant natural resources, strategic location, potential for economic development, transportation, logistics, and connectivity. Türkiye has consistently nurtured and progressively strengthened its relationships with fellow Turkic states since their independence. As previously mentioned, this bond was further reinforced by Türkiye’s pivotal role in the Second Karabakh War, highlighting its significant strategic influence in shaping the region’s geopolitical landscape. During this conflict, Ankara played an instrumental role in facilitating the liberation of Azerbaijani territories and at the same time underscored Türkiye’s strategic importance and bolstered its standing among these nations. Türkiye’s successful interventions in regional crises such as Libya and Syria also had a positive impact on its image. In this context, the Turkic states’ decision to align with Türkiye can be seen as a strategic move to leverage Türkiye’s increasing influence in regional geopolitics and global affairs. This collaboration allows them to amplify their voice on the international stage, enhancing their bargaining power and positioning in global geopolitics. The alignment with Türkiye is not just about leveraging Türkiye’s capabilities; it’s also about cultivating a unified front to address the complex dynamics of global challenges, thereby fostering regional stability, economic growth, and cultural exchange among the Turkic states. The establishment of OTS has increased expectations for the Turkic states to initiate a multidimensional and multi-level relations within the Turkic world. Considering that many states want to become part of OTS as observer members, it is clear that the organization will serve as the main locomotive of a possible regional integration of the Turkic world and make a great contribution to the institutionalization of cooperation among the Turkic states. OTS has a great potential in political, economic, strategic, and social dimensions within international and regional systems. The Turkic nations, who have a common language, culture, and religion, are likely to collaborate economic and technical sectors such as in trade, transport, energy, agriculture, education, and high-tech ventures and tackle common challenges such as water resource management. Furthermore, the security and military dimension has become increasingly prominent within the multidimensional areas of cooperation among the Turkic states in recent years. In conclusion, the ascendance of the OTS in the Eurasian geopolitical landscape signals a transformative phase in the region’s dynamics, with the OTS poised to enhance economic and strategic connectivity between Europe and Asia. This evolving role of the OTS, indicative of a new geopolitical order, is significantly influenced by Türkiye’s active participation and leadership. Türkiye’s role in the OTS has been instrumental in transitioning the organization from a platform for dialogue to a powerful union of states committed to trade enhancement, economic cooperation, and bolstering regional stability. This pivotal role played by Türkiye, leveraging its unique geographical and cultural position as a linchpin between Europe and Asia, has been crucial in steering the OTS towards greater regional integration and a heightened global presence. As mentioned above, the 10th Summit of the OTS, themed “Turk Time!” encapsulates the essence of this transformation. The acronym “TURKTIME” symbolizes the core principles guiding the Summit. These principles reflect not only the Summit’s focal areas but also the overarching goals and aspirations of the OTS with Türkiye’s stewardship. They highlight a commitment to preserving cultural heritage, fostering unity, driving meaningful reforms, expanding knowledge, building trust, promoting strategic investments, facilitating mediation in conflicts, and prioritizing energy cooperation. This thematic framework of “TURKTIME” not only shapes the discourse of the Summit but also mirrors the broader strategy of the OTS in its quest for a more interconnected and influential role on the global stage. Thus, the OTS, with Türkiye’s significant influence, stands as a testament to the evolving nature of regional alliances and their capacity to shape international relations in the 21st century. In its special issue highlighting the importance of the Turkic World, Insight Turkey presents 4 commentaries and 4 research articles related to the subject. Additionally, it includes 4 off-topic publications which touch upon the Palestinian issue focusing on the aftermath of October 7 operation and the role of energy in Türkiye-Russia relations. Our first commentary, with the contributions of Farid Shafiyev, begins by discussing the evolution of the OTS, emphasizing its transformation from a consultative mechanism to a powerful international organization of geostrategic importance. In his analysis, Shafiyev highlights Azerbaijan’s goal of promoting Turkic unity by examining significant events such as the Shusha Declaration, the aftermath of the Second Karabakh War, and the strategic alliance between Turkic states. By focusing on current trends in regional and global politics that have given rise to the development of the OTS, the author argues that it is imperative to strengthen and enhance cooperation among Turkic states and that the importance of Turkic unity in today’s complex geopolitical landscape is only growing. In the second commentary, Yerkin Tukomov focuses on the relations between the Turkic World and Kazakhstan. Tukomov argues that Kazakhstan is fully cognizant of the strategic importance of its relations with the OTS member states and is actively engaged in managing the complex balance between geopolitical challenges and opportunities. In his commentary, Tukomov endeavors to provide a comprehensive summary of Kazakhstan’s short and medium-term strategic priorities. On the other hand, Ferrukh Khakimov examines the current bilateral and multilateral relations between Uzbekistan and Türkiye in the context of ongoing geopolitical turmoil and changes at global and regional levels. Khakimov argues that strengthening a comprehensive strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and Türkiye is vital to maintaining the geopolitical balance of power in the region and effectively addressing the common challenges of sustainable development. Later, the analysis provided by Ömer Kocaman presents a comprehensive and nuanced account of the OTS. The evaluation traces the evolution of the OTS from the dissolution of the Soviet Union to its recent summits, examining aspects such as its establishment, institutionalization, and regional and international involvement. Additionally, the analysis delves into the organization’s development, project implementation, and increasing global influence while emphasizing the OTS’ dedication to fostering cooperation and solidarity among Turkic states. This special issue of Insight Turkey centers on the importance of the Turkic World, and within it, Abzal Dosbolov and Göktuğ Sönmez present a research article that examines how the OTS supported Central Asian republics in addressing their historical legacies, specifically after Russian influence in the 18th century. Examining the post-independence phase of the Central Asian republics from a postcolonial perspective, the authors highlight the role of OTS in promoting regional cooperation, cultural revival, and social unity. The article provides a comprehensive overview of the role of OTS in promoting growth and development in Central Asia, while underlining the importance of strategic autonomy for Central Asia in the context of evolving regional dynamics. Similarly, in the second research article, with a focus on the intricate geopolitical landscape of Central Asia and the Caucasus, Muhammet Koçak thoroughly examines and analyzes the OTS and its potential in economic, strategic, and social dimensions within international and regional systems. In his analysis, Koçak delves into the various factors that impact the potential of OTS to foster cooperation and solidarity among the Turkic states. He also examines the mechanism at play in the interconnected strategic, economic, and social structures to provide a comprehensive understanding of the situation. In our next research articles, the security aspect in Central Asia is discussed both under the umbrella of OTS and in the context of the Azerbaijan-Armenia war. Based on the Turkic states’ attempts to come together and become a comprehensive international organization, Buğra Sarı touches upon the issue of member states pursuing coordinated policies on security issues of mutual interest. According to Sarı, the security dimension has been added to the multidimensional cooperation areas within OTS in recent years. In this regard, the author aims to investigate the positive results of the security cooperation developed and strengthened between the Turkic states under the umbrella of OTS, focusing especially on basic security issues such as systemic security, regional security, counter-terrorism and military capacity. On the other hand, Sarwat Rauf examines the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict and explores the main factors that led Russia, the European Union and Türkiye to offer mediation to resolve the conflict. In her research, Rauf shows that a new geopolitical shift is taking place in the South Caucasus region, leading to complexities among some of the options identified by mediators. Furthermore, to broaden the scope of our coverage, our Fall issue confidently presents two commentaries and one research article focusing on the Palestinian issue. In this respect, our two valuable authors evaluated the current situation in the commentaries section by emphasizing the latest events in Gaza and considering the historical perspective. Firstly, Salman Abu Sitta offers a rigorous and critical examination of the Palestinian Nakba and the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, delving into its historical roots to gain a comprehensive understanding of the current situation in Gaza. Emphasizing that the ongoing conflicts in Gaza since October 7, 2023 have deeply affected the world and countless innocent lives have been tragically lost, Sitta defends the fundamental right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland, claiming that this is an important element on the path to conflict resolution and permanent peace. Similarly, Muhammad Hüseyin Mercan’s commentary discusses the Operation al-Aqsa Flood. Mercan also examines the possible impact of the operation on global and regional politics, taking into account that the ongoing process will change the political balances in the Middle East. Next, Berdal Aral in his research article discusses the legal debates regarding the crisis caused by the military operation launched by the Palestinian forces of the Gaza-based resistance against Southern Israel on October 7, 2023. In his article, Aral answers questions such as which side of the conflict can rightfully claim the right to self-defense, did Israel commit genocide in Gaza, do Israel’s statehood and territorial claims rest on firm legal grounds, is it legally sensible to argue that Israel is a threat to international peace and security, to elucidate the legal issues surrounding the current crisis and the broader context of Israel’s legal status as a state and its territorial claims. Finally, our last off-topic research article by Suinbay Suyundikov and Ahmet Gökbel examines the significance of energy in the relations between Türkiye and Russia. Suyundikov and Gökbel first introduce the theory of interdependence and then analyze the energy policies and energy situation of Russia and Türkiye in detail. The authors argue that Russia plays an important role in Türkiye’s energy supply with its rich energy resources and that Türkiye is an important market for Russia’s energy exports and examine the energy relations between Türkiye and Russia within the framework of the theory of interdependence. As we bid farewell to another eventful year, we are thrilled to present this latest issue of Insight Turkey, enriched with six thought-provoking commentaries and six in-depth research articles. Each piece has been carefully selected to enhance and diversify our coverage, providing our readers with a multifaceted and profound understanding of the various topics discussed. It is our earnest hope that this issue not only enlightens but also engages our readers in meaningful reflection and dialogue, furthering the pursuit of knowledge and understanding in these dynamic times.

Insight Turkey Summer 2022 Embracing Emerging Technologies

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Author :
language : en
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2022-11-01

Insight Turkey Summer 2022 Embracing Emerging Technologies written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2022-11-01 with Political Science categories.

Historically speaking, technology has been one of the main determinants in international politics due to its impact on economic development and warfare. However, lately, its preponderancy is becoming more inclusive considering that technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) Internet of Things (IoT), big data, blockchain, 3D printing, etc. are evolving faster than ever. From the Ukraine-Russia war and the energy crisis to the global economic and social crisis to the deepening great powers rivalry, all point to the importance of emerging technologies. Specifically, technology has become a key asset in the framework of international relations, and the so-called technopolitics –the entanglement of technology with politics– is impacting global affairs at the international and national levels. Primarily, emerging technologies have a transformative impact on the actors of the international order. While the existing Western-led international system had at its core the Westphalian principles, with states as the main actors, it is expected that in the close future this will be challenged by the tech giants who are now driving the technological revolution. Considering the state’s dependency on tech giants for the development of emerging technologies and the impact of these technologies on economic development and national security, it is understandable that the power of tech giants will increase. So, when faced with an international crisis, states and international/regional institutions will not be the only actors sitting at the table. Furthermore, the structure and hierarchy of the international system will be shaped by the evolution of technology. Seen both from the economic and military perspectives, the early adoption of these emerging technologies will provide a strategic advantage for the early users, which undoubtedly is directly reflected in the power of states and their position within the existing order. While some states become more successful than others in the production, development, and adoption of these technologies, the hierarchy between states will change as well, leading to a new global order. The ongoing great power competition –especially between the U.S. and China– can be understood within this framework as it would not be wrong to assert that technological competition is the main ground of rivalry. Both states consider technological development as the main asset to achieve their national goal, for the U.S. it is to maintain its leadership in the existing system; while China aims to leapfrog the U.S. and become a superpower. As technology shapes and changes the relations among states, so will other aspects of politics be affected, such as diplomacy and warfare. While the creation and advancement of the Metaverse are considered to revolutionize diplomacy, the application of artificial intelligence in the military is indeed revolutionizing warfare. As mentioned previously the proper and quick adoption of these emerging technologies in the political agenda is directly related to the reflection of a state’s power in the international system. In this context, lagging in this technological revolution would be detrimental to a state. Türkiye is one of the few states that is not only aware of the benefits of the early adoption of the new technologies but has also taken important steps in this regard. Becoming official in 2019, Türkiye has announced its policies called “National Technology Initiative” and “Digital Türkiye.” Both policies are impacting every sector of life in Türkiye –i.e., industry, health, education, defense, etc.– and aim to transform the state’s technological future by using its local capacities to produce high-tech products. As a result, Türkiye will gain more economic and technological independence which will place Türkiye among the most technologically developed states in the future. To illustrate this point, Türkiye’s defense industry has been revolutionized within the concept of the National Technology Initiative. Henceforth, today Türkiye has become one of the leading global actors in terms of the production and use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs). The impact of the emerging technologies in every aspect of human life is unequivocal, however, this special issue of Insight Turkey will focus mainly on how technopolitics is shaping the states’ policies, with a special focus on Türkiye. Within this context, this issue includes 8 research papers and 5 commentaries, all of which offer a novel perspective on the subjects they address. Our commentary section features two on-topic and three off-topic pieces. In his inquisitive commentary, Richard A. Bitzinger seeks to illustrate how the technologies incorporated into the upcoming 4th industrial revolution, and AI in particular, promise to represent a radical paradigm shift in the form and conduct of combat in the future. Bitzinger’s analysis makes it clear that these technologies will probably also have a significant influence on international rivalries between large powers, aspirational regional actors, or governments who view technology as a vital force multiplier. This analysis, we believe, will shed light on how new and emerging critical technologies are challenging the traditional warfighting paradigm, as well as how militaries can access and leverage these innovations. In our second on-topic commentary Bruno Maçães challenges readers to consider climate change and its impact on global politics bravely and originally. According to Maçães, we cannot refer to climate change as a byproduct of the Anthropocene, the world that humans have created. Because of our limited potential to influence natural processes and consequent inability to control the unintended effects of our activities and decisions, climate change is still fundamentally a natural phenomenon that humans have only just begun to cause. Intriguingly, Maçães contends that joining the Anthropocene for the first time, as opposed to leaving it, is the solution to the climate problem. Our research articles cover a wide range of topics that are all important to the relationship between technological advancements and global politics. In the first paper of the line, Erman Akıllı launches a stimulating conversation about the future success of the Metaverse, which depends, according to the author, on the creation of universes that are founded on global organizations or regional integrations rather than monopolization. Instead of offering quick fixes, Akıllı poses some tough questions. For instance, he raises our attention to unanswered questions regarding state sovereignty in general and the issue of how a state can exercise its sovereign authority in the Metaverse. The author also emphasizes the vast prospects that the metaverse offers for nations to engage in cultural diplomacy. In line with this, the author describes efforts to build the Turkoverse, a metaverse based on the Turkic world, which would allow for unrestricted movement of people and goods inside the Turkic World while eliminating the physical gap between member states’ capitals. In the upcoming article, Javadbay Khalilzade describes how UAVs, or combat drones have proliferated and how this has changed and shaped modern warfare. The article looks at Türkiye as a manufacturer and active user of UAVs in wars in Africa and the Middle East. The case study in the article also looks at Azerbaijan, a third-tier small state that depends on drone exports but is ambitious enough to use drones to make its presence felt in the region and liberate its lands. The article makes the case that drones give militaries a tactical edge, improve combat precision, and broaden the arsenals available for fighting insurgencies; yet drone proliferation also makes states more prone to conflict and compromises regional peace and security. In the following research article, Nezir Akyeşilmen investigates the documents, policies, strategies, measures, and organizational structures of Türkiye’s national cybersecurity strategy. Is Türkiye’s cybersecurity strategy properly designed to deal with the new security environment in the hyper-anarchic world of cyberspace? Following a thorough examination of Türkiye’s cybersecurity strengths and weaknesses, Akyeşilmen responds prudently to this question: Türkiye’s technical performance is relatively weaker than its legal performance, necessitating the development and implementation of a centralized cybersecurity strategy by a large and powerful institution. Following Akyeşilmen’s insightful criticism, Ali Burak Darıcılı evaluates the Turkish National Intelligence Organization’s (Millî İstihbarat Teşkilatı, MİT) increasing operational capacity in the context of high-technology products. Darıcılı concludes that MİT’s domestic technology capabilities have made a significant contribution to Türkiye’s counter-terrorism activities, achievement of regional foreign policy goals, deployment of hard power in the field when necessary, and efforts to become a proactive actor in the region. Then, Cenay Babaoğlu questions how the pandemic process has affected the increasing digitalization of public administrations with the rising use of technology in administrative functions as our focus shifts from security to public administration. The author recalls that, with support from both supply and demand, the COVID-19 pandemic has been a driving force in government digitalization. As the author explains, following this trend, and particularly with the transition to the Presidential Government System in 2018, the Presidency Digital Transformation Office, which was established as the coordinator of digital transformation, played an important role in Türkiye during the pandemic. In what follows, Narmina Mamishova examines Türkiye’s vaccine diplomacy and its role in the country’s efforts to maintain and expand its stakes in the global power configuration. Highlighting how, since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, public health has emerged as a key issue of discourse among states, the authors show how Türkiye has managed to consolidate its strength in the international arena through both skillful balancing in terms of vaccine deals and well-packaged humanitarian efforts. The author argues that Türkiye has been successful in achieving this through persevering in the pursuit of a proactive, comprehensive policy, in which the sole standard for a move’s legitimacy would be its alignment with the nation’s national interests. As we shine a spotlight on the economy in the post-COVID-19 era, Bilal Bagis focuses on the ways a new instrument, central bank digital currency, is projected to improve contemporary payment systems, strengthen the effectiveness of the monetary policy, and assure financial stability in the new period. Following the 2008 Crisis and the 2020 Pandemic, as well as innovations such as the all-new cryptocurrencies and stable coins, many central banks have expressed an interest in introducing their own digital money, according to the paper. Anticipating that physical currencies will inevitably be digitalized, one way or the other, the author poses a valid question: “why not embrace the trend and the new technology, regulate and then make sure digital currencies satisfy all the functions of a regular conventional physical currency?” In a similar spirit, in our final research paper, Mehmet Rıda Tür makes the prediction that AI will soon overtake humans as the primary decision-makers in the energy sector. For the author, making the energy system more flexible and establishing a smart supply system with domestic and renewable energy resources at its core is necessary to prevent any bottlenecks in satisfying the energy demand of all countries including Türkiye. From our off-topic pieces, Mahmut Özer, the Minister of National Education of Türkiye, elaborates on the process of universalization from elementary to higher education in Türkiye, describing how it gave priority to areas with comparatively lower rates of schooling by making large investments and carrying out large initiatives. Özer explains how, because of recent changes the nation has undergone in the education sector, Türkiye’s educational system has been able to overcome the difficulties it had inherited from the past and has strengthened its capacity to become even more effective and equitable for all pupils. In the following off-topic commentary, Nurşin Ateşoğlu Güney focused on the most recent achievement of Türkiye in bringing the warring sides of Ukraine and Russia to an agreement on the transfer of grain from Ukraine’s ports. Güney contends that this is a result of Ankara’s long-standing sensible approach of maintaining communication with both capitals despite hostilities to maintain access to both. She concludes that the prospect of growing food scarcity conditions and subsequently the projected worldwide crisis appears to have been avoided for the time being thanks to Türkiye’s effective mediating performance, which will also be conducive to alleviating the negative conditions caused by the likelihood of food shortages in locations like Egypt, Lebanon, and elsewhere. The political and strategic repercussions of Russia’s war against Ukraine are examined by Sabrina P. Ramet and Aleksander Zdravkovski in the final commentary. The authors claim that because of the war in Ukraine, Serbia may now see an opportunity to conclude some unfinished business. Serbia has recently been buying weapons from China and Russia for this purpose, and it has also tried to buy 12 fighter jets from France. The recent armaments buildup by Serbia is unlikely to be for defensive purposes, as the writers draw our attention to the fact that none of Serbia’s neighbors or any other states for that matter pose a threat to Serbia. All things considered, we endeavored to explore as many facets as possible of the interplay between new technology advancements and Turkish technopolitics in the Summer 2022 issue of Insight Turkey. We hope and believe that the insightful and stimulating debates raised on the issue will be helpful to our readers.

Insight Turkey Spring 2023 Volume 25 No 2

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Author : Adnan Özdemi̇r
language : en
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2023-07-01

Insight Turkey Spring 2023 Volume 25 No 2 written by Adnan Özdemi̇r and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-07-01 with Political Science categories.

Türkiye successfully conducted both presidential and parliamentarian elections on May 14, the second elections since the change of the governmental system, so completing yet another election process without encountering significant issues. The People’s Alliance led by AK Party has secured the majority in the legislative body, the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye. Although President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan came first in the first round of the presidential elections, he could not pass the 50 percent threshold. President Erdoğan received 52 percent of the votes after the runoff elections on May 28. Thus, both President Erdoğan and AK Party, which has won all general elections since 2002, are continuing in the task of ruling the country for the next five years. Both Turkish and foreign observers and officials have attached great importance to these elections. Some even claimed that this year the Turkish elections are the most important globally due to the implications for international politics. However, it is crucial to emphasize that a significant number of Western media outlets and experts, influenced by their inclination to envision a Türkiye without Erdoğan, were unable to accurately forecast and analyze the election outcomes. In certain instances, they even launched direct attacks on Turkish democracy and President Erdoğan. Nevertheless, the election results, which genuinely reflect the national will, served as a profound lesson for all, highlighting the importance of recognizing and respecting the democratic choices made by the Turkish people. Yet the discussions surrounding the election results and their potential impact on Türkiye, its foreign policy, and the broader international political landscape are well-founded. There are several expectations from President Erdoğan and his government for the next five years. First of all, President Erdoğan and the AK Party government will consolidate and institutionalize the new governmental system that was introduced after the 2016 July 15 coup attempt, one of the main turning points in the recent history of the country. Although there are high expectations that the Erdoğan government will make some revisions within the new political system, there is no chance to return to a parliamentarian system, which was the main promise of the opposition during the election campaign. Second, the current Turkish foreign policy orientation will be consolidated and institutionalized. In recent years, Türkiye has been following a relatively independent and Ankara-centered foreign policy orientation. Türkiye has abandoned its Western-oriented foreign policy orientation and diversified its foreign relations. In an interview with the press during his first foreign visit since his re-election on May 28, 2023, President Erdoğan has clearly underlined Türkiye’s diversified foreign policy understanding. He has pointed out that Türkiye, which pursues the policy of balance based on national interests, is close to both the West and the East. Third, with the separation of internal and external security after the change of the governmental system, the two inward looking security institutions, namely the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) and the National Intelligence Organization (MİT), have experienced a large-scale transformation. Thus, TSK and MİT have become real foreign policy actors and begun playing a more effective role in foreign policy issues, especially in the protection of the country’s national security against external threats and in the struggle against anti-Turkish terrorist organizations deployed in different countries. Since then, Türkiye has been taking more initiatives in foreign policy issues as a result of high-level harmony between these security institutions and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Furthermore, under the leadership of President Erdoğan, this large-scale harmony among foreign policy actors has enabled Türkiye to mobilize hard and soft power at the same time, which is an indication of Türkiye’s high-level capacity and its strategic autonomy. Fourth, with the increase of the number of foreign policy actors, after the introduction and transformation of some state institutions, Türkiye has increased its effectiveness in international politics. Governmental institutions such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA), the Presidency of Turks Abroad and related Communities (YTB), Yunus Emre Institute (YEE), and Turkish Maarif Foundation have begun to play effective roles in the foreign policy field. Diversification in foreign policy actors is an indication of Türkiye’s autonomous foreign policy orientation. Türkiye has been deploying different foreign policy actors in different issue areas. President Erdoğan has declared that Türkiye will prioritize security policy for the next five years. By mobilizing hard, smart and soft powers of the country and also by activating different foreign policy actors, Türkiye will follow an integrated foreign policy understanding. The main responsibility of the new government will be the protection of Türkiye’s national interests and the provision of peace and stability in its regions. Türkiye, which opposes the return of a polarized world politics, is determined to use diplomatic means and take initiatives in the resolution on international crises. President Erdoğan and his new government will continue to attach great importance to its relations with the Western countries and to the NATO alliance. However, Türkiye expects the alliance to take more effective counterterrorism measures and the Western countries not to safeguard anti-Turkish terrorist organizations. Türkiye will continue to have a bilateral relationship with the West based on equal partnership. The new government will push for visa liberalization and updating the customs union in its relations with the European Union. One the one hand, Türkiye is determined to improve and enhance its relations with other Turkish states, especially with Azerbaijan. Following the signing of a military alliance after the Second Karabakh War, its bilateral relations with Azerbaijan are unique. Türkiye will continue to strive for the further integration of the Turkish world. On the other hand, Türkiye will continue its efforts to bring peace and stability to its regions. The Erdoğan government is determined to continue the normalization process with other regional countries in the Middle East, the Caucasus and the Eastern Mediterranean. To sum up, Türkiye is determined to consolidate its strategic autonomy, to play a leadership and stabilizer role in its regions, and to improve its relations with all countries in the world. The main priorities of Türkiye are the protection and maximization of its national interests, the promotion of the normalization processes, and the formation of a Turkish axis in the near future. Türkiye expects to achieve these objectives with its strong infrastructure, manufacturing industry, self-reliance in the defense industry, and strategic investments in the energy sector, among others. Thus, it will be possible to make an effective start for the vision which has been called ‘Century of Türkiye.’ With that being said, the forthcoming issue of Insight Turkey, building upon the previous edition that delved into Türkiye’s domestic affairs and the upcoming general elections, strives to shed light on Türkiye’s foreign policy while providing a thorough analysis of past general elections. Within this context, the current issue presents a comprehensive compilation of four expert comments and four research articles focusing on the subject matter. Additionally, it broadens the scope by including one off-topic comment and three off-topic research articles, thus enriching the range of topics covered. Our commentary section starts with Talha Köse’s valuable contribution that tackles the relations between Türkiye and the West, in particular with the EU. Emphasizing that President Erdogan’s re-election in the 2023 general elections is considered an unexpected development in Europe and many Western countries, Köse argues that this state of surprise stems from the misinformation of decision-makers and the public in Türkiye and the West by “experts” and “pollsters.” For this reason, the European states, who thought that the Table of Six would come to power, suspended their relations with Türkiye until the elections, while the post-election Erdoğan victory encouraged the European states to congratulate Türkiye’s leader and accept the result as soon as possible. Köse states that various media outlets and think tanks in Europe have taken a more balanced stance against the Turkish president after treating him as an enemy for the last six months, and argues that this situation has started a new era in Türkiye-Europe relations. As the Russia-Ukraine war continues, NATO enlargement remains one of the most important topics in the West. In this context, Arif Bağbaşlıoğlu focuses on NATO-Türkiye relations through the lenses of the enlargement policy by focusing especially on the case of Sweden and Finland. The author expresses Ankara’s stance and cautious attitude towards Finland and Sweden’s NATO membership applications and also emphasizes that Türkiye has been generally a supporter of NATO’s enlargement policies and that NATO’s decision-making process positively affects Türkiye’s relations with candidate countries. In our next commentary, Valeria Giannotta provides an overview of Western media perception of the general election of Türkiye. Gionnotta emphasizes that the Western media included news that was distorted and created a false perception in the general elections in Türkiye, especially in the first round, that it was a biased reading based on ideological connotations and aimed to influence the result of the vote. She continues that the election results should be seen as a lesson on how to look at Türkiye, its government, and its people, and therefore produce more accurate and authentic information, rejecting all kinds of superficial foresight and manipulation attempts. On the other hand, Bünyamin Bezci evaluates in detail the May 2023 elections and the reasons that secured the victory of President Erdoğan and the failure of the opposition. According to Bezci, the most important factor that contributed to President Erdoğan’s victory has been the popular appreciation of his deeds and performance. This issue centers on Turkish foreign policy, and within it, Burhanettin Duran and Kemal İnat present a research article that offers a comprehensive framework for a deeper understanding of the subject. Their article delves into the intricacies of Turkish foreign policy, addressing both regional and global challenges that it encounters. Duran and İnat argue that Türkiye took advantage of the deepening competition between global powers under the AK Party to part ways with its traditional foreign policy tradition and pursue a more independent foreign policy. Accordingly, the country expanded its economic and military capacity significantly during the relevant period to make possible the policy of balance between the West, Russia, and China. Following up, Muhidin Mulalić and Mirsad Karić, focusing on Turkish foreign policy in the Balkans, apply Ulrich Beck’s theory of cosmopolitanism, reflexivity, and risk on Türkiye’s diplomatic relations with the Western Balkans countries. In our next research article, Adnan Özdemir aims to investigate the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war on the foreign trade volume of Türkiye. Özdemir’s article discusses the effect of the Russia-Ukraine war on the tourism and contracting sectors, which make the most positive contribution to Türkiye’s current account deficit and are at the forefront of the economic sectors. On the other hand, Laçin İdil Öztığ takes a distinct approach to Turkish foreign policy by focusing on neighboring countries. Her research paper compares Türkiye’s position on the Azerbajani-Armenian conflicts and discusses its impacts and implications in the context of regional dynamics. In this article comparing the strategies implemented by Türkiye in foreign policy by evaluating the first and second Karabakh wars, Öztığ claimed that Türkiye’s support to Azerbaijan in the first Karabakh war was seen as insufficient to change the course of the war, while it played a more assertive role in the second Karabakh war. In an off-topic commentary, Gökhan Çınkara and Batu Çoşkun analyze the Abraham Accords, the subsequent diplomatic initiatives and efforts to create a security umbrella through regional geopolitical shifts, and ideological transformations. The authors state that the main factors behind the emergence of the Abraham Accords were elite preferences in the Persian Gulf, rising nationalism, and the quest for permanent political stability sought by the constituents of the Gulf society. According to Çınkara and Çoşkun, the Abraham Accords is one of the most significant geopolitical developments in the Middle East in this decade. Our spring issue is enriched with three off-topic research articles, expanding the breadth of our coverage. One of these articles, authored by Sarmad Ali Khan and Saira Nawaz Abbasi, delves into the contemporary understanding of warfare in the 21st century, which evolves alongside advancing technologies. Specifically, they address the pressing subject of cyber warfare and its role in unconventional strategic competition. The authors, who claim that the U.S. and China are in competition in every domain, argue that cyberspace is militarized and reveals it as the fifth battleground. According to Khan and Abbasi, cyber ​​campaigns developed by Beijing and Washington for various targets cause a cyber arms race between the two countries. Tunç Demirtaş aims to analyze the Tigray crisis in Ethiopia based on the policies of global and regional powers in the context of the African neo-colonial order and emphasizes that although the colonial system has ended in the international system, the power struggle in Africa continues through neo-colonialism. Last but not least, Ersin Aksoy and Aytaç Kadıoğlu focus on the integration dynamics in the case of Iraqi refugees in Syria. Aiming to analyze barriers to integration by addressing geographic proximity, cultural threat, acceptance processes, political rent, and limited economic resources, the authors evaluate the refugee flow from Iraq to Syria since the 2003 Iraq War in their research papers to understand the impact of these factors. As we witnessed one of the most significant elections –both for Türkiye and the world– on the centennial of the Turkish Republic’s founding, Insight Turkey proudly presents a special issue that meticulously evaluates the elections and examines how Türkiye’s foreign policy will be shaped in their aftermath. Through this special edition, our aim is to offer our readers a comprehensive analysis of Turkish foreign policy, while outlining the implications of the election results in this regard.

Insight Turkey Winter 2024 Asia Anew Revisited

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Author : Alaeddin Tekin
language : en
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date :

Insight Turkey Winter 2024 Asia Anew Revisited written by Alaeddin Tekin and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on with Political Science categories.

Since the early 2000s, almost every great, middle and even small power has developed a tendency to deepen their relations in the Asia-Pacific region. This tendency is also valid regarding international and regional organizations. In addition to state actors, non-state and even sub-state actors have assigned a certain value to this region in their strategic calculations. With such a tilt, Asia-Pacific actors have become a focal point of global politics. The increasing significance of the region has been boosted by the rising Asian powers, such as China, India, Japan, Australia, South Korea, and Indonesia. With all this dynamism, extra-regional actors have increased their economic, political, strategic, and cultural investments in Asia-Pacific. This rise in the region’s multileveled value has led regionalism-oriented IR researchers to develop the concept of the Asian Century. Türkiye has a peculiar position and significance in this regard combining the West and the non-West in many respects. Unlike the Cold War and early-post Cold War times, the world, especially the Asia-Pacific “world” is not composed of only two vectors, the West and the non-West, but several spanning into a variety of directions. This multi-vectorial reality of inter-non/-state affairs fits into Türkiye’s ambitions in its foreign policy. The Cold War label of Türkiye, i.e., the staunch ally of the West, is no longer completely valid. Türkiye of today is much more than that. The Western alliance is only an aspect of Türkiye whose substance has been amalgamated by Ankara’s developing relations with other regions and sub-regions of the globe including Asia-Pacific. Türkiye’s search for political-strategic clout in other regions has led Ankara to conceptualize and announce the most comprehensive and official foreign policy approach towards the Asia-Pacific region yet, known as the Asia Anew Initiative. This shows that Türkiye is not an exception to the above-stated powers that gave this region a central place in their strategic calculations. The initiative is predominantly multifaceted at its core, which aims to eliminate the asymmetries between Türkiye and Asian actors in both strategic and commercial terms. By increasing the engagement and cooperation with these actors, Türkiye aims to utilize its advantage in the sectors that it has considerable advantages in, such as tourism, conventional defense technology, and construction together with the ones in which it has emerging improvement, such as high-tech, finance, infrastructure, and energy transport. Türkiye’s additional connotation regarding Asia-Pacific is in geocultural terms. Due to its historical and religious background, Türkiye has many ties with Pakistan, Bangladesh, South Korea, Muslim communities of India, and to an extent Afghanistan. This has been an important channel that Turkish state and non-state actors have experienced in deepening their relations in the region. Türkiye’s soft power and diplomacy have also utilized such cultural affinity. Links tracing back to the 15th century of the Ottoman era has aided Türkiye’s influence in South and Southeast Asia. A clear empirical indication of such influence is the popularity of Turkish culture/history-oriented television serials within these communities. Thus, geocultural impact not only boosts Türkiye’s visibility and weight in the region but also helps it to be relevant in the non-Western and multiple directional vectors of the Asia-Pacific politico-economic fabric. An additional element of Türkiye’s engagement in the region is that it tries to utilize almost any type of “-lateralism.” i.e., multilateralism, minilateralism, and bilateralism. Ankara is trying to be a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and has put forward its intention to join the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. It has also created MIKTA, a transregional partnership grouping, with its like-minded partners from the region. More importantly, it has been developing a whole range of bilateralisms with Asia-Pacific countries regardless of their power statuses. Another very significant element of Türkiye’s engagement with the region is its focus on Asia-Pacific communities. Various Turkish state institutions, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA), the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), and the Türkiye scholarships program of the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) have been developing Türkiye’s people-to-people links through strategic and sustainable communication and promoting the country’s national brand. Although there is an obvious increase in Türkiye’s engagement with Asia-Pacific it is still early to assert its prominence in the region. However, this is not only a result of Türkiye’s current capabilities but the parameters of competition that must be navigated, with the global powers competing and cooperating in the region. Türkiye in this sense would require more cooperative patterns with like-minded powers, to increase its influence and boost its partners’ strength. Asia-Pacific is not a hassle-free region and currently Türkiye has a limited impact in this challenging ecosystem. On the other hand, developing multifaceted relations, especially with culturally and historically proximate sub-regions, will increase Türkiye’s visibility and impact. With the above-stated awareness and engagements, Türkiye’s visibility and economic significance in the Asia-Pacific will significantly increase over time. One very formidable catalyst for this would be its cultural and historical ties with Central Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia, which have already been transforming into commercial and political-strategic outcomes. The current edition of Insight Turkey is dedicated to the exploration of bilateral relations between Türkiye and Far Eastern countries, within the context of the Asia Anew Initiative. The winter issue features a commentary and six research articles on this subject, providing a comprehensive analysis of the topic. Moreover, the issue includes four off-topic comments and two research articles that lie outside the main theme. Among these, two articles shed light on the current Gaza genocide, ongoing since October 7. The commentary section opens with a perceptive analysis by Nuh Yılmaz on Türkiye’s foreign policy toward Asia. In his commentary, Yılmaz examines Türkiye’s general perspective on the Asian continent and discusses the basic dynamics of the initiative. According to his analysis, there has been a significant shift in the global balance of power, with Atlantic Asia emerging as a rising force in, politics, military, culture, and especially in economy. This transformation of the Asian continent prompted Türkiye to launch the Asia Anew Initiative in 2019, which presents a comprehensive and systematic vision for Asia. Yılmaz delves into Türkiye’s general perspective on the Asian continent and the key dynamics of this initiative. Furthermore, the initial research article, authored by Gürol Baba as the guest editor, centers on Türkiye’s strategies and its Asia Anew Initiative. Through his work, Baba endeavors to illustrate that within the Asian framework, Türkiye has the capability to not only be pragmatic but also achieve efficiency by implementing a diverse foreign policy approach. He argues that Türkiye’s application of multi-vectorism to its foreign policy in Asia is more successful than multilateralism or minilateralism policies. This is because there is much more than the two traditional vectors (West and non-West) due to the current intra-regional fragmentations and deviations in Asia. Baba embodied the success of bilateral relations in Asia by giving examples from some countries. Following Baba’s outline of Türkiye’s approach to its Asian policy, the second research article, penned by Mujib Alam, delves into the complex nature of Türkiye-India relations between 2000 and 2023. Alam’s analysis spans diplomatic, economic, scientific, and cultural exchanges, offering a comprehensive view of their bilateral engagements. Despite different stances on issues such as Kashmir and Cyprus, Alam points out a trend towards improvement in relations, especially economic relations and cultural exchanges, driven by the foreign policy trends of the ruling parties of the two countries. The third research article by Kohei Imai examines the bilateral relations between Türkiye and Japan, which will soon celebrate their 100th anniversary in 2024. Imai delves into the historical relationship between the two nations, which while positive, lacked a tangible cooperative partnership. He carefully considers the diplomatic challenges and public perspectives that Japan encounters, and identifies opportunities for both countries to pursue more practical collaborations moving forward. In the next research article, Alaeddin Tekin and Arshad Islam focus on Malaysia, shedding light on Türkiye’s relationship with another Southeast Asian country. In research articles based on primary sources, including Ottoman and Turkish archives as well as Bahasa Melayu and English materials, Tekin and Islam aim to investigate historical and current relations between Turks and Malays. Another research article on the subject, written by Yunhee Kim, tries to examine veteran diplomacy through the example of Türkiye and draws from the different historical examples of the Korean War. Claiming that veteran diplomacy can be used as an opportunity to expand South Korea’s soft power in the new public diplomacy era of the 21st century, Kim also argues that this diplomacy paves the way for security cooperation in the context of Türkiye-South Korea relations. Ali Akkemik, who deals with Türkiye’s relations with East Asia from the economic dimension, in the next research article, states that their economic relations have undergone a significant structural change in the last twenty years. According to Akkemik, while Japan previously dominated Türkiye’s trade with East Asia and the flow of direct foreign investment from East Asia to Türkiye, recently, both South Korea and China have surpassed Japan as Türkiye’s main trading partners in East Asia and have caught up with Japan in terms of foreign investments in Türkiye. Moreover, in this issue, we address the grave humanitarian crisis stemming from the conflict in Gaza. Specifically, two commentaries focus on the tragic events unfolding since October 7. Nkosi Zwelivelile Mandelsizwe Dalibhunga Mandela offers an analysis of South Africa’s response to Israel’s actions against the Palestinian people, focusing on their legal recourse at the International Court of Justice. He draws comparisons between Israel’s treatment of Palestinians and South Africa’s apartheid era, underscoring the deep ties of solidarity between these communities and the essential role of global unity, accountability, and concerted efforts in promoting justice and equality. Additionally, Norma Hashim provides a unique perspective by focusing on the plight of prisoners and hostages in Gaza, arguing that Palestinian prisoners are central to the narrative of the genocide initiated on October 7. She delves into their importance within the Palestinian national movement and shares the personal stories of some of these prisoners, highlighting their significance in the context of the ongoing crisis in Gaza. In other off-topic commentary, Sönmez Ateşoğlu has written a commentary as a continuation of the research article, “Economic Power and International Security,” he previously published in Insight Turkey. While Nancy Snow has provided a commentary in which she discusses the national brand of Japan, where she lived for many years. In his previously published research article, Ateşoğlu explains in detail the impact of economic power on international security and the connection between economic and military power, but claims that the security dimension is not sufficiently addressed. Therefore, in this commentary, the author aims to explain the impact of military power on international security, especially in the context of Türkiye, and how a state can achieve its security goals by using military force. On the other hand, Nancy Snow explores the evolution of Japan’s national brand, analyzing the transition from historical isolation to its current global recognition, especially under the influence of Shinzo Abe’s policies. The winter issue broadens its scope with two research articles that venture beyond the main theme. Blerim Sallahu’s contribution opens this segment with an in-depth exploration of the modalities for acquiring citizenship in Kosovo. Following this, Kemal İnat and Burhanettin Duran assess the Ukrainian war’s profound repercussions on the global order, scrutinizing the intricate position and consequential influence of Türkiye –situated uniquely as both a neighbor to Russia and an ally of the U.S.– within this complex geopolitical landscape. This latest special edition of Insight Turkey meticulously explores the evolving dynamics of Türkiye’s engagement with East Asia under the ambit of the Asia Anew Initiative. This edition is distinguished by a series of foundational articles that provide a thorough overview of the initiative, alongside in-depth analyses of Türkiye’s bilateral relationships with key Asian nations. We trust that the comprehensive discussions and diverse perspectives presented in this issue will offer our readers valuable insights and deepen their understanding of the intricate geopolitical landscape.

T Rkiye S Vision For Its New Century

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Author : Kılıç Buğra Kanat
language : ar
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date :

T Rkiye S Vision For Its New Century written by Kılıç Buğra Kanat and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on with Political Science categories.

President Erdoğan’s statement in March 2024, “neither the world is the old world nor Türkiye is the old Türkiye”, encapsulates the essence of the Century of Türkiye vision, which aims to transform Türkiye in accordance with both internal and external requirements. Over the past two decades of AK Party rule, Türkiye has achieved remarkable and enduring progress across its social, cultural, political, and economic spheres. Freed from various forms of tutelage, Türkiye’s democracy has grown stronger, supported by well-functioning institutions. The AK Party pledges to further solidify these democratic gains by drafting a new and democratic constitution. Additionally, Türkiye has made significant advancements in its defense technology and capabilities which are essential in the face of threats posed by various terrorist organizations and the security risks from conflicts near its borders. Türkiye’s regional and global significance has also grown, as it strives for “a fairer world” where human rights, freedom, and dignity are upheld without discrimination, in line with the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As President Erdoğan once declared, Türkiye’s “responsibility extends beyond securing our own safety and prosperity. Our strength lies in our resources, actions, and the aid we provide to the afflicted and oppressed worldwide, beginning with our immediate surroundings”. As such, the Century of Türkiye addresses a broad spectrum of domestic and international challenges, aiming for a future where Türkiye stands as a democratic, secure, and prosperous nation, exerting a constructive and influential role on the global stage.

Insight Turkey 2020 03 Transformation Of Turkey S Defense Industry

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Author :
language : en
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2020-10-01

Insight Turkey 2020 03 Transformation Of Turkey S Defense Industry written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2020-10-01 with Political Science categories.

Turkey’s contemporary defense and military strategy can be best understood as a result of the historical process the country has experienced. This historical process has significantly altered the security environment surrounding Turkey while transforming her alliance relations, ultimately producing a new political vision for the country and a defense and military strategy that serves this vision. Firstly, although the end of the Cold War and the ensuing dissolution of the Soviet Union has ameliorated international security, Turkey was faced with both conventional and asymmetric threats on multiple fronts. This situation kept defense spending of the country at record levels despite military expenditures within NATO showing a rapid decline. On the other hand, the emerging political geography led to a series of new conflicts erupting in several hotspots, from the Balkans through to the Caucasus and the Middle East. Emerging conflicts were thought to require a common response which precipitated NATO’s evolution from a collective defense organization to a collective security organization. Concurrently, it meant that Turkey would actively join NATO’s new missions ranging from the peaceful resolution of disputes to stability operations with expeditionary forces featured by mobility, jointness, and readiness. Secondly, the 9/11 terrorist attacks against the U.S. created profound ramifications for Turkey’s regional security and her alliance relations. In particular, the American military occupation of Iraq jeopardized Turkey’s national security by effectively removing the political authority of that country and dismantling the Iraqi army. While the emerging political vacuum was filled by sectarian politics, the scarcity of security was exploited by the PKK, consolidating its presence in northern Iraqi territories. Divided Iraq has also transformed into a breeding ground for international terrorism which resulted in the rise of various extremist armed organizations, including ISIS. Thirdly, since the so-called Arab spring started in the early 2010s, the political and security landscape of the Middle East and North Africa has undergone significant changes. While the overthrow of dictators led to intra-state conflicts in several places, it was particularly the civil war in Syria that alarmed Turkish decision-makers due to its transformation into a safe haven for various terrorist groups operating at Turkey’s southern frontiers. Bereft of concrete ally support, Turkey unilaterally launched military operations into northern Syria in order to eliminate ISIS elements as well as curbing the long-term territorial ambitions of the PKK. The Arab spring has also aggravated previous tensions and engendered various factions that facilitated new alignments which is the case for today’s Eastern Mediterranean and Arab-Israeli relations. Against the backdrop of these considerations, Turkey’s contemporary defense and military strategy has been formed. In general, this strategy lays down the principles of using military force to support the political aims of the country. It operates as a “bridge” between policy and operation, in a classical sense. And that strategy is now not just informed by protecting the territorial integrity of the nation but has wider objectives, including enhancing the country’s international standing as well as achieving strategic autonomy. This in turn has necessitated new tools that extend beyond a sole deterrent force, namely military activism, and defense industry investments, along with the contribution to international security and commitments to the NATO alliance. The summer issue of Insight Turkey aims to explain the changing dynamics of Turkey’s military and defense strategy by taking into consideration current foreign and security policy practices of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa region. More specifically, this issue is an attempt to develop a new framework to understand Turkey’s revolution in its military and defense strategies. Hulusi Akar, the Minister of National Defense of Turkey, in his commentary sheds light on the global and regional developments that threaten Turkey’s peace and stability and which contributed to shaping its defense strategy. A strategy that targets finding common solutions to international problems in a collaborative way. Akar gives special attention to the contribution of the distinguished, deterrent, efficient, motivated, well-trained, and disciplined Armed Forces that are equipped with high-level weaponry produced domestically using national resources. Within the context of the Turkish Defense Industry’s strong historical background, İsmail Demir highlights the transformation and rationality of the Turkish Defense Industry. He emphasizes the necessity of addressing the recent rise of the Turkish Defense Industry in two different but interrelated periods. The first provided the defense industry with strong support with an extremely decisive and long-term projection. The second represents the transformation of the expectations from the defense industry, in coordination with the changing position and function of the defense industry in bureaucratic mechanisms. Michaël Tanchum’s commentary is a coherent and rigorous analysis of the logical result of Turkey’s post-Cold War strategic reorientation, presented in its new expeditionary capability of enhanced naval capacity and new forward bases. Michaël examines Ankara’s challenge of calibrating the use of its hard power instruments to serve its post-Lausanne strategic orientation toward establishing Turkey-centered, inter-regional connectivity. In the middle of the COVID-19 global pandemic, Minister of Health of the Republic of Turkey, Fahrettin Koca, underscores the role of Turkey in the management of COVID-19. His commentary asserts that Turkey has successfully contained the COVID-19 pandemic and prevented devastating consequences due to its idiosyncratic approach to the crisis and the robustness of its healthcare system. After 85 years as a museum, Hagia Sophia welcomes Muslim worshippers’, a decision that has drawn intense criticism in Turkey and worldwide. However, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey, Yavuz Selim Kıran, argues that the functional change of Hagia Sophia will not affect Turkey’s centuries-old tradition of promoting tolerance, harmony, and diversity. The final off-topic commentary of this issue underlines the challenges to Pakistan’s nuclear threshold. Muhammad Haris Bilal Malik and Muhammad Abbas Hassan explain why Pakistan has been further threatened by India’s aggressive policies and provocative military modernization. The commentary concludes that Pakistan may be compelled to further revisit its nuclear threshold level to overcome India’s aggression. Besides the commentaries, this issue comprises five articles that focus on the Turkish Defense Industry past, present, and future and underline the factors that led to its remarkable evolution. The first article by Murat Yeşiltaş presents a general framework of Turkey’s Military and Defense Strategy. By taking into account the main drivers, primary objectives, and essential pillars, as well as its tangible repercussions on the military mindset, the author explains how the change in Turkey’s defense and military strategy stems both from Turkey’s changing security landscape and its quest to be an assertive regional player. Can Kasapoğlu’s research article covers two interrelated strategic topics regarding Turkey’s national military capacity in the 21st century: its defense technological and industrial base and its military policy, both currently characterized by a burgeoning assertiveness. In light of the rapid advances in technology that are continually shaping developments in the aerospace and defense sector, notably the evolution of airpower, Arda Mevlütoğlu, provides us with an understanding of the features of the next generation of air warfare, while presenting the status of the Turkish Air Force and offering suggestions on several challenges and opportunities. As a reply to the critics that Turkey is caught between a rock and a hard place due to the adamant opposition of its NATO allies, Mustafa Kibaroğlu tries to make sense of Turkey’s S-400 choice by assessing the impact of the S-400 deal on Turkey’s defense industries. On one hand, he presents his conception of the current “international political non-order” as an underlying factor behind the deal. On the other, he suggests that the deal must be approached from a wider perspective to grasp the extent of the service it has done in bolstering Turkey’s military-industrial complex. The last article related to the main theme of this issue focuses on Turkey’s defense spending. Merve Seren attempts to show that prioritization of defense spending during the AK Party era is specifically the outcome of a political preference. In other words, the shift in the political landscape from idealism to realism, associated with pragmatism. Our initial off-topic article highlights how Trump’s peace plan optimistically called the “Deal of the Century” adopts the Zionist discourse regarding al-Aqsa and its effects on undermining the Muslim sovereignty over the mosque, which will be a clear violation of the International law and status quo. Khalid el-Awaisi and Cuma Yavuz investigate the results of the implementation of Trump’s plan which they assert will lead to three main changes that would undo the centuries-old status quo of Masjid al-Aqsa completely and give Israel full control over this important historic and religious site. Ahmad AlShwawra and Ahmad Almuhtady’s off-topic article completes the dossier of this issue. The authors examine the potential implications of Jordan’s decision to import Mediterranean gas through Israel on Jordanian energy security, with special attention to how this decision will impact Jordanian foreign policy regarding the Palestinian cause. Through a wide range of articles and commentaries, this issue aims to bring to its readers a comprehensive framework on the transformation of Turkey’s Defense Industry and changing patterns of its military strategy.

Insight Turkey Winter 2023 Volume 25 Number 1 T Rkiye At The Crossroads

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Author :
language : ar
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2023-04-01

Insight Turkey Winter 2023 Volume 25 Number 1 T Rkiye At The Crossroads written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-04-01 with Political Science categories.

The regions surrounding Türkiye, i.e. Middle East, Eastern Mediterranean, Black Sea, and South Caucasus, continue to experience war, political instability, economic crises, and humanitarian problems. However, if we focus specifically on the Middle East, we can see that several paradoxical developments have taken place. On the one hand, many active crises exist in the Middle East, as both the global super-power rivalry and the Arab Spring continue to influence regional affairs. Specifically, some traditional issues, such as the Israeli-Palestinian question, continue to influence regional political balances. On the other hand, significant initiatives are leading to regional stability. Regional powers such as Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Qatar have been trying to consolidate their regional and global effectiveness and a process of normalization between several states is underway. Many regional states, such as Iran, Iraq, Syria and Yemen, are deeply involved in domestic problems. Iran has been dealing with protests for more than two months, with hundreds of civilians and members of the security forces having lost their lives. It seems that the current wave of protests will have important implications for the future of the Iranian regime. Post-invasion Iraq is still struggling to eliminate political chaos as the near-state failure conditions continue. The two external powers, the U.S. and Iran, continue to affect Iraqi politics which further deteriorates the situation. Iran, especially, has tight control over the political administration in Iraq. As stated above, many regional countries have initiated a significant normalization process, with the Gulf states starting an intra-Gulf normalization process at the beginning of 2021. Other Gulf states have decided to normalize their relations with Qatar, even though they have held different policies towards the Arab Spring. Intra-Arab cooperation, solidarity and brotherhood were emphasized during the opening ceremony of the World Cup in Doha. The Amir of Qatar, Tamim al-Thani welcomed the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, Muhammad bin Salman and Egyptian President Sisi, among others. Indeed, Amir Tamim made a friendly gesture by watching one of Saudi Arabia’s matches from the tribunes. Furthermore, other dimensions, such as Turkish-Arab, Israeli-Arab, and Iranian-Arab normalization processes, have been initiated. Türkiye has normalized its relations with many regional states, including the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Israel. Currently, it is trying to normalize its relations with the remaining states, most notably Egypt and Syria. In this context, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan met with Egyptian President Abdulfattah al-Sisi during the World Cup opening ceremony in Doha. Besides the Middle East, the Eastern Mediterranean and the South Caucasus regions also host influential problems. In the north, the Türkiye-Azerbaijan axis has forced regional (even global) powers to accept the current status quo, the liberation of the Nagorno-Karabakh territories of Azerbaijan. Türkiye and Azerbaijan have successfully mobilized other Turkish states to contribute to their policy perspectives. In the South, Türkiye has been trying to prevent the isolationist efforts of Greece and its supporters in the Eastern Mediterranean with the Turkish-Libyan axis emerging as a central dimension in the region. Considering the increasing political, economic, and ecological problems, the regional actors will continue to recalibrate their policies in line with future regional and global changes. Therefore, regional powers have been trying to diversify their foreign relations and thus increase their autonomy in their foreign policies. This issue of Insight Turkey covers a wide range of topics while providing an insightful analysis of regional developments, with a special focus on the Middle East. Our look at the region starts with Hakkı Uygur’s timely thoughts on the recent protests and violence in Iran. After Mahsa Amini died, Sunni groups, especially Kurds and Balochs, took the lead in the protests against the mandatory headscarf rule, resulting in more loss of life. Even though the protests in Tehran, the capital, were mostly supported by the middle- and upper-classes, they didn’t get much support from the broad masses. Instead, they turned into protests by college students, usually led by artists and athletes who were part of the elite. When the Persian media and opposition activists outside the country received a lot of attention, most reformists kept quiet. Different political groups have been using the events to work out how to share power after Khamenei. But the fact that protests have been continuing for three months, and the government hasn’t used its usual “iron fist” method to quell them, raises questions. During the same time, Iran’s relations with the Kurdistan Regional Government and the Republic of Azerbaijan have been tense. The author argues that this is how domestic and foreign policies change and affect each other. In the same context, Mahjoob Zweiri’s research article provides an insight into defining Rouhani’s foreign policy discourse and slogans, primarily towards the GCC, while addressing significant shifts in the region that implicated Iran’s Rouhani stance towards the GCC and its members. The paper concludes by discussing how the recent Iranian elections and Ebrahim Raisi will affect the future of Iran-GCC relations. Analyses revealed that Rouhani had difficulty engaging with the GCC countries due to impediments imposed by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Similarly, the article examines whether Rouhani achieved his foreign ambitions, and was able to provide a vision for the challenges that await the Raisi presidency during his era, in Iran’s foreign policy toward the GCC. Our focus on the region continues with Mohammed Muazaz al-Hadithy’s analysis of the role of the Gulf in Iraq after 2017 based on the complicated relationship between the Gulf and Iraq from 2003 to 2017. It also looks at the effects of the Gulf crisis and how the relationship between the two countries has changed. The study predicts how the relationship will change in the future based on a set of factors related to Iraqi politics, Gulf foreign policy, and the factors that affect the Gulf’s role in Iraq. Following on from this, Ghazi Alsikoty’s commentary attempts to present and analyze the chaotic nature of Iraq’s constitutional system since 2005 and its impact on political-economic and social crises. The study also tries to investigate sectarian issues and political quotas that have arisen as a result of a deep divide between the culture of reactionary parties that do not believe in the democratic modern state, the philosophy of liberal democracy, institutionalism, the separation of powers, or respect for human rights. In the following article, Yusri Hazran analyzes Israel’s strategic stance toward the Syrian crisis, drawing connections between Israel’s historical understanding of Syria and its role in the Arab-Israeli conflict, current strategic considerations, and the impact of the Lebanese syndrome on Israel’s historical collective memory. Syria’s deep roots in revolutionary pan-Arabism and its consistent backing for the fight against the Jewish state have long made it a prime target for Israel’s enemies. Israel hoped that the ‘Arab Spring’ uprisings would lead to the overthrow of the Ba’ath regime or at least significantly weaken it, but it has refrained from any military intervention, primarily due to what may be called the ‘Lebanese syndrome,’ or the fear of renewed entanglement and a repeat of its bitter experience in the First Lebanon War. Next, the article by Yousef M. Aljamal, Ilise Benshushan Cohen, and Philipp O. Amour looks at the early spread of COVID-19 in the Occupied Palestinian Territories in the context of nationalism and sovereignty. The authors argue that the spread of COVID-19 has been difficult for Palestinians due to domestic and regional interactions and limited sovereignty, undermining their ability to combat the virus. Yet, the pandemic awoke Palestinian national sentiment, reminding them of their disunity and lack of sovereignty. Despite these obstacles, the article shows that the Palestinian health system attempted but failed to resolve the crisis and that COVID-19 has only highlighted how Palestinians cannot operate practically independently of Israel. With the onset of the COVID-19 crisis, a major question also arose regarding the feasibility of applying liberal ideas in international politics and whether national interests would take precedence over liberal values in the international system. In our final commentary, the focus shifts to the EU area, with Saddam A. H. Obaid and Aishah Hanifa providing a topical commentary on whether or not national interests will prevail over the liberal values of the EU during the crises. The authors contend that while liberal values thrive in times of peace, they are put to the test during times of crisis. They can sometimes fail because national interest calculations are deeply embedded in nation-states. Due to foreign, security, and energy policy considerations, the EU has also been involved in the Eastern Mediterranean region. Dilek Latif and Nusret Sinan Evcan’s timely analysis seeks to contextualize the EU’s engagement in the Eastern Mediterranean region in light of recent developments and political factors. The discovery of hydrocarbon resources in the Eastern Mediterranean shifted existing foreign policies, increased the region’s geopolitical significance, and acted as a catalyst for new geopolitical dynamics and political alignments. The hydrocarbon deposits have the potential to diversify resources and serve as a bridge for greater regional cooperation. Instead, the volatile geopolitical environment instils fear and threat perceptions. Fatma Aslı Kelkitli investigates and contrasts the foreign policy choices of three minor Central Asian governments, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, in the post-independence period in our penultimate research article. Turkmenistan’s foreign policy differs from the other three countries, despite their shared Soviet heritage, landlocked location, and population size. While Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan align with Russia, Turkmenistan maintains permanent neutrality. This paper contends that Turkmenistan’s natural resource wealth, along with fewer domestic dangers and geographical limits than Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, enabled it to conduct a more impartial and independent foreign policy. However, excessive reliance on China as the principal consumer of Turkmen natural gas may make it challenging to maintain lasting neutrality. In the concluding research article, Abdurrahman Gümüş compares Turkish foreign policy in the post-Davutoğlu era with the previous period and analyzes the changes and continuities in these two periods. In the first years of the Justice and Development Party period, Turkish foreign policy featured soft power and cooperation-based characteristics. While maintaining its proactive and multi-dimensional aspects, there were many crucial changes in Turkish foreign policy in the post-Davutoğlu era. These changes led to increasing realism, autonomous foreign policy, and the rise of deterrence and the sphere of regional influence. With one more year coming to an end, we are pleased to present to our readers yet another insightful issue of Insight Turkey that has attempted to analyze current regional and international developments comprehensively. We are looking forward to providing you with more next year!

Transformation Of Political Islam In Turkey

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Author : Hakan Köni
language : en
Publisher: Cambridge Scholars Publishing
Release Date : 2019-01-15

Transformation Of Political Islam In Turkey written by Hakan Köni and has been published by Cambridge Scholars Publishing this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2019-01-15 with Religion categories.

This book scrutinizes the causes and the nature of the major changes that Turkish political Islam witnessed from its emergence in the 1970s to the middle of 2012. Among the multiple causes that scholars argue to be influential in the process, the book focuses on two aspects, specifically Turkish state elites and globalization. A combination of theoretical and empirical knowledge is used to enhance the explanatory and analytical powers of the book. The National View Parties of the past were often found to be highly motivated to Islamize both social and political life in Turkey by bringing the country closer to its historical and cultural past. The AK Party of the period under scrutiny here, however, appeared with the stance that every specific party goal would be secondary to democracy, human rights, rule of law and closer relations with the West. It is argued in the book that Turkish state elites were the leading cause of this change with the pressures they applied at the forefront of a very rigid type of secularism they maintained for decades. Globalization, as another leading cause, is argued here to have played a major role in the process by guiding Turkish political Islam towards a process of socialization that brought it into line with contemporary political norms, values and institutions.

Protean Power

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Author : Peter J. Katzenstein
language : en
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Release Date : 2018-01-18

Protean Power written by Peter J. Katzenstein and has been published by Cambridge University Press this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2018-01-18 with Political Science categories.

Inquires into the role of the unexpected in world politics by examining the protean power effects of agile innovation and improvisation.