Turkey And Russia In Syria Testing The Extremes


Turkey And Russia In Syria Testing The Extremes
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Turkey And Russia In Syria Testing The Extremes


Turkey And Russia In Syria Testing The Extremes
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Author : Hasan Yükselen
language : en
Publisher:
Release Date : 2020

Turkey And Russia In Syria Testing The Extremes written by Hasan Yükselen and has been published by this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2020 with categories.




Insight Turkey Winter 2021 New Geopolitics In The Eastern Mediterranean


Insight Turkey Winter 2021 New Geopolitics In The Eastern Mediterranean
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Author :
language : en
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2021-03-01

Insight Turkey Winter 2021 New Geopolitics In The Eastern Mediterranean written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2021-03-01 with Political Science categories.


After being the focal point of the regional and global power competition for centuries, the Eastern Mediterranean region has recently re-emerged as a point of convergence in international politics. Over the last two decades, especially, many regional and global powers have begun to develop strategies toward the Eastern Mediterranean leading to a fierce rivalry amongst them. There are several reasons for the increase in the political, strategic, and economic importance of the region. However, four are especially noteworthy, and while two are long-standing factors, there are two significant novel developments that have contributed to the re-emergence of the strategic importance of the region. First, the main deep-seated reason stems from its geostrategic and geopolitical importance. The Eastern Mediterranean hosts some of the most strategic seaways in the world, such as the Suez Canal and the Turkish Straits. While the Suez Canal has served as the main sea passage bridging the East to the West since its opening in 1869, the Turkish Straits (the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles) has for centuries connected the Black Sea with the Mediterranean Sea and so the Atlantic Ocean. Second, due to its strategic importance the Eastern Mediterranean region has always been one of the most penetrated regions in the world. Many global and regional powers such as the U.S., Russia, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Turkey, Israel, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Egypt and Saudi Arabia continue to intervene into regional affairs resulting in power struggles. While the U.S. is trying to maintain its superiority in the region following the Cold War period, Russia aims to reach the warm seas, its long-time strategic objective. On the other hand, the UK, France, and Turkey are working to protect their historical and imperial links with the region. Starting with President Obama, the U.S. has followed a retrenchment policy which has resulted in power vacuums in different regions including the Eastern Mediterranean. Under these circumstances the Western-dominated regional system and political stability has changed dramatically, and the power vacuum created after the U.S. downsized its regional role is filled by many other challenger states. One of these states is Russia which seems to have settled itself into the region permanently. From now on, it will be quite difficult to extricate Russia from the region and without doubt it will continue to pose a threat from the south to European countries. China is another actor that has gained a foothold in the region lately by improving its relations with some regional countries and by investing in the control of significant seaports. Furthermore, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE have also started trying to influence the regional balance of power. Consequently, all the cards are reshuffled in the Eastern Mediterranean and a new great game is underway in the region. Third, as the most significant novel development, the exploration of natural gas in the region has contributed to its geostrategic importance. Considered as one of the richest deposits with approximately 4.5 percent of the total natural gas reserves in the world, the Eastern Mediterranean has become of great interest to the energy market. The drilling activities performed to date show that essential portions of the reserves range from the Tamar and Leviathan gas fields, where the coasts of Cyprus, Egypt, and Israel meet, to the West Nile Delta field along the Egyptian coast. Within this framework, the regional and global powers have turned their attention to the region once again as the newly discovered rich energy resources have entered into the equation as a new parameter. Israel is the first state that discovered natural gas in Tamar (318 billion cubic meter) and Leviathan (605 billion cubic meter) fields and began to use and export it to other countries. Egypt and the Greek Administration of Southern Cyprus (GASC) also discovered natural gas in the Zohr (850 billion cubic meter) field and Aphrodite (129 billion cubic meter) field, respectively. Furthermore, lately, a considerable amount of gas reserves was discovered in the Calypso and Glaucus fields located in the South of Cyprus. As new discoveries continue, other countries such as Turkey have been conducting offshore drilling activities to explore natural gas. All these activities have defrosted the longtime frozen problems of the region. The region is not rich only in terms of offshore natural gas reserves. It is known that some areas within the boundaries of Egypt and Libya are also rich in natural gas. Having the Wafa and Bouri gas fields, Libya is ranked 22nd in the world with around 1.5 trillion cubic meters of natural gas reserves. Egypt ranks as 16th in the world, with the Zohr, West Nile Delta, and Atoll fields yielding a total of around 2.2 trillion cubic meters of natural gas. It must be said that the reason many global and regional players have become involved in the Libyan civil war is closely related to its abundant energy resources. Furthermore, it is important to state that the Eastern Mediterranean is quite rich in terms of crude oil as well. Considering onshore and offshore reserves together, the region possesses nearly 3.7 percent of the world’s total oil reserves with around 64 billion barrels discovered to date. Libya alone has nearly 3.2 percent of the world’s oil reserves, with roughly 48.4 billion barrels, and Egypt has around 3.3 billion barrels of known oil reserves. Fourth, besides the three protracted crises, namely the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the political crisis in Lebanon, and the Cyprus question, two more recent regional political issues, the Syrian and Libyan crises, have been attracting the attention of many regional and global powers. The external involvement of some new actors in these crises has led to a new power struggle. Turkey and Russia are the two main states that have increased their presence in the region lately by becoming the two main powers involved in the Syrian and Libyan crises. Needless to state, their military intervention in these crises has undermined the status of the traditional Western colonial powers, such as France. As a country that has the longest shores in the Eastern Mediterranean and as one of the main players in regional geopolitics, Turkey has begun to increase its military presence in the region in order to deter anti-Turkish developments. The geography has begun to occupy a critical role in Turkey’s political, security, and economic policies, and eventually has become one of the most featured parameters in Turkish foreign policy. Turkey’s regional policy is shaped by a number of factors. First of all, the Eastern Mediterranean has long-standing importance for Turkey, which has historical ties with almost all regional states. For centuries the region was ruled by Turkey’s predecessor, the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, Turkey’s involvement in regional crises such as Libya, Syria, and Palestine can be partially explained by the historical ties between Turkey and these states. Second, the Eastern Mediterranean plays a crucial role in Turkey’s security and as a result Turkey’s foreign policy towards the region is highly shaped by its security concerns. Therefore, the policies of global powers such as the U.S., the European Union, and Russia towards the region are intrinsically linked to Turkey’s security. As all these actors pursue their own national interests, it has resulted in the U.S., EU, and Russia conflicting with Turkey’s policies and expectations in the region. This has become clear on issues such as the Cyprus problem and the attempts of the Greek side to sign international agreements regarding the maritime jurisdiction zones. Both of these developments aim at eliminating Turkey’s influence over the island and the region altogether. However, Turkey has made it clear that this is not something that it will accept, and has responded by signing agreements with the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and Libya, in 2011 and 2019 respectively. Third, the Eastern Mediterranean is critical both for its abundant energy resources and for the bilateral economic relations between Turkey and the countries of the region; therefore, the economy is another factor determining Turkish policy towards the region. Turkey, an energy-dependent country that expects to discover new resources in its continental shelf, considers the rich hydrocarbon potential of the region as an alternative source of meeting its energy demands. Turkey seeks to both decrease its foreign dependence on energy and to increase its trade, first with neighboring countries and then with the world. In this regard, when forming its Eastern Mediterranean policy, Turkey is, on the one hand, intensely searching for natural gas and oil on its continental shelf and following policies towards transferring the resources found in other countries’ maritime zones to the Western markets through Turkey, and, on the other hand, trying to improve its relations with the countries in the region. The developments that threaten Turkey’s economic and security interests have urged Ankara to a closer involvement with the region. Tensions have risen with Greece’s eagerness to give its islands maritime jurisdiction zones beyond their territorial waters, which will cut into Turkey’s continental shelf and the GASC’s licensing of maritime blocks to international companies for energy research activities. Violating the TRNC and Turkey’s rights, and, with the aim of making their illegal actions permanent, their signing of agreements in close cooperation with Israel, Egypt, and the U.S., as well as conducting joint military operations will not contribute to the resolution of the problems. Within this framework, this issue of Insight Turkey highlights different affairs regarding the Eastern Mediterranean region. A number of leading and well-known intellectuals and academicians have contributed to this issue focusing on political, legal, and energy dimensions of maritime tensions and the rise of a new geopolitics in the region. This issue includes pieces that look at the Eastern Mediterranean tensions through the lens of international law. Ayfer Erdoğan’s research article examines the legal and political dimensions of the disputes by analyzing the standpoints of the main actor’s in the region. Meanwhile, the commentary written by Sertaç Hami Başeren reviews their justifications with reference to international law, with particular reference to Turkey’s actions. Furthermore, based on the principle that maritime delimitation should be carried out to reach an equitable solution by taking all the relevant circumstances into account, Yücel Acer argues that Turkey has developed a comprehensive legal approach as to the maritime delimitation in the Eastern Mediterranean and even submitted a map to the UN to demonstrate Turkey’s claimed continental shelf and Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) areas. While keeping up with the recent developments in the United States, Nurşin Ateşoğlu Güney and Vişne Korkmaz’s research article examines how and why Washington has come to embrace the logic of ‘Alliance Axis’ to shape the Eastern Mediterranean and explores the projected impact of the U.S.-initiated Abraham Accords on regional geopolitics. Meanwhile, Muhammad Soliman Alzawawy’s commentary aims to forecast the route and different scenarios that the new American President Joe Biden will take in his foreign policy towards the Eastern Mediterranean region through investigating the content of his speeches and rhetoric before and shortly after taking office. Galip Emre Yıldırım highlights the stance of another actor in the region by arguing that France’s identification of Turkey as an ‘external enemy’ reflects the former’s political and economic concerns with regard to the Mediterranean gas reserves. Sohbet Karbuz gives an overview of the key commercial, technical, legal, and political challenges the East Mediterranean gas faces, with a critical eye and proposes possible ways to overcome them. Karbuz discusses the challenges facing the monetization of the discoveries by looking at both the commercial challenges hampering the exploration and field development activities and the technical challenges for exporting gas to the immediate and distant markets. In addition to these eight pieces focusing on the Eastern Mediterranean, there are some insightful manuscripts on a range of topics regarding the recent developments in the international political arena. With regard to the recent changes at the level of the white house, Inderjeet Parmar analyses President Donald Trump’s attempted coup. Parmar also questions the political will of the new President to extirpate Trumpism and white supremacy from the U.S. body politic. After three-and-a-half-years into the crisis that struck the heart of the Gulf Cooperation Council, Marwan Kabalan sheds light on how the 41st Gulf Summit in the Saudi city of al-Ula, brought the blockade of Qatar to an end. From our off-topic research articles, Nikolay Kozhanov tries to prove the importance of the economic factors for the current development of Russia’s relations with the Gulf States. He also assesses the prospects for continued economic cooperation between the GCC states and Moscow. Ramazan Erdağ’s article concludes this issue with a discussion on why Russia replaced the South Stream project with the TurkStream by changing its route and name, and why Turkey is involved in a project on the North-South line although it plays a vital role in the Trans-Anatolia Natural Gas Pipeline Project in the southern gas corridor. While the importance of the region certainly is going to increase in the following years as more regional and global actors will be included in the power struggle, it is necessary to analyze and understand the issue from geopolitical, economic and legal standpoints. With that said, we are confident that this issue of Insight Turkey entitled “New Geopolitics in the Eastern Mediterranean” will provide timely studies regarding the Turkish perspective on a complex and increasingly important issue in the global power struggle.



Chaos Complexity And Leadership 2020


Chaos Complexity And Leadership 2020
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Author : Şefika Şule Erçetin
language : en
Publisher: Springer Nature
Release Date : 2021-07-30

Chaos Complexity And Leadership 2020 written by Şefika Şule Erçetin and has been published by Springer Nature this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2021-07-30 with Science categories.


This book analyzes a range of new developments in various fields concerning the concepts of chaos and complexity theory. The proceedings of the 7th International Symposium on Chaos, Complexity and Leadership feature newly developed concepts involving various research methodologies for identifying chaos and complexity in different fields of the sciences and leadership. In addition, it explores chaotic and complex systems from all fields of knowledge in order to stake a claim of prevalence of compatibility between knowledge fields. Particular emphasis is placed on exploring non-linearity in order to open a discussion on new approaches to and perspectives on chaos, complexity and leadership. Readers will find coverage of important events that have recently taken place in our world, regardless of whether they were social, political, economic or scientific in nature. The book explores diverse aspects of and issues related to the effects of chaos and complexity in the world; discusses the application of nonlinear dynamics in order to arrive at transformational policies; and offers projections of tomorrow’s world using an interdisciplinary approach. Though primarily intended for readers with an interest in nonlinear science, thanks to its focus on the application of chaos and complexity to other disciplines, the book appeals to a broad readership.



Turkey And Russia In Syria Texting The Extrems


Turkey And Russia In Syria Texting The Extrems
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Author : Hasan Yükselen
language : tr
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2020-12-01

Turkey And Russia In Syria Texting The Extrems written by Hasan Yükselen and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2020-12-01 with Political Science categories.


This book will answer the key research question of which characteristics (changing or enduring) of the Syrian War caused Turkey and Russia to oscillate between the extremes of war and alliance. By focusing on these characteristics in Syria, commonly accepted as a proxy war but with subtle changes to the definition due to its context, this book shows how the changing character of war influences state behaviors and relations both between and among them. Addressing the underlying question of what makes states cooperate while carrying on and/or being forced to accommodate diverging strategic ends, conditioned by unbalanced military power and laden with contentious agendas, uncovers the embedded controversies of the process that facilitates this oscillation. Finally, to reveal the broader implications, highlight the relevance, and to make a contribution to the literature based on the research, this study addresses the overarching question of how proxy wars alter interstate relations and relations within alliances.



Insight Turkey Spring 2021 Resurge Of Anti Islam Activity Worldwide


Insight Turkey Spring 2021 Resurge Of Anti Islam Activity Worldwide
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Author :
language : de
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2021-06-01

Insight Turkey Spring 2021 Resurge Of Anti Islam Activity Worldwide written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2021-06-01 with Political Science categories.


Although most European countries deny the existence of anti-Islam and anti-Muslim sentiment, the evidence on the ground demonstrates that racism and hate crimes against Muslims have become widespread and begun to normalize throughout Europe. Every passing day, racist, xenophobic and anti-Islam tendencies are further entrenched in European societies and institutions. The main concern about the most recent wave of anti-Islam is the fact that the mainstream political parties have begun to accept anti-Islam as a normal position and to use political discourses of ultranationalist and xenophobic political actors. Many Western governments have begun to introduce new laws normalizing anti-Islam outlooks in their countries. When hostility becomes commonplace and discrimination is internalized, all political codes are written accordingly, laws are interpreted similarly, and social perceptions are shaped in the same mould. The process has come to such a point that victimized Muslims are even afraid of complaining about the attacks committed against them. According to a survey published by the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights, only 12 percent of Muslims report anti-Muslim discrimination cases to officials. That is, the available data and numbers, which are already alarming, are only the tip of the iceberg. Based upon the above explanations, it can be claimed that the anti-Islam trend is largely a Western product and that the Western political actors are largely responsible for the resurge of anti-Islam activity in the world. To put a stop to this situation, European countries and EU institutions such as the European Parliament need to recognize anti-Islam attitudes as a form of racism. European actors should fight against all kinds of discrimination, racism, hate crimes, and human rights violations as they fight against anti-Semitism. The EU should initiate a de-radicalization program in order to re-establish a multicultural Europe. Europe should not surrender to far-right or far-left terrorists, otherwise it will continue to lose its moral superiority. Moreover, unless Europeans take necessary measures against anti-Islam, European states are destined to lose rationality in their policies. This wicked process is similar to a double-edged sword that cuts Muslims and non-Muslim Europeans, as well. Lastly, in this issue, I would like to draw attention to the concept of anti-Islam, which I believe is a better concept to use instead of Islamophobia, considering that anti-Islam is a more political concept compared with the latter. The Western and non-Western perception of Islam is totally political. Countries that have large Muslim minorities consider the spread of Islam and the increase of Muslims as a threat to their political projects and their way of life. Anti-Islam, similar to any political perspective that targets all members of a religion or ethnicity, is a form of racism. With these said, the current issue of Insight Turkey brings to its readers four commentaries and six research articles covering anti-Islam practices worldwide while focusing on different dimensions of these activities. As Muslim communities have been racialized as the ‘Other’ for decades, James Carr provides a comprehensive analysis on how contemporary neoliberal civilizing missions operate at different levels to create neoliberal citizens, while penalizing Muslims that refuse to participate. In Europe particularly, Marcelo Macedo Rizo asserts that the depiction of Islam and Muslims has also been dominated by an ‘Othering.’ He proposes the application of a democratic ‘Alterity’ to overcome the existing harmful European vision towards Muslims. The impact of far-right parties’ activities and the governmental politics of fear, in general, have resulted in different realities that allowed anti-Muslim hatred and actions to increase. Within this perspective, Farid Hafez explains how the introduction of the notion of ‘political Islam’ by the Austrian People’s Party came to the criminalization of vocal and/or organized Muslims. Meanwhile, in Italy, there is a lack of acknowledgment of Islam and Muslims by the Italian state. Domenico Altomonte argues that anti-Muslim hatred in Italy allows its citizens to conceive an exclusionary populist discourse and a shared negative view that impedes the enforcement of the right to religious freedom. Furthermore, Chris Allen analyzes the existence of anti-Islam activities in the United Kingdom. From a feminist perspective, Müşerref Yardım and Ali Hüseyinoğlu analyze anti-veil and anti-burqa laws in France by focusing on their historical and social foundations. However, anti-Islam is not only limited to Europe. As CJ Werleman asserts, the rising violence against Muslims in India has brought Muslims to the brink of genocide in India and Kashmir. As mentioned previously, anti-Islam is mainly politically constructed. This can be understood better when taking into consideration Kristin VandenBelt’s research which compares the experience of Muslims in Europe and Latin America, Denmark and Argentina respectively. Media is another actor which augments anti-Islam activities and discourse. Within this perspective, Ali Murat Yel’s research article brings attention to Turkish media representation of Islam and its impact on the social antagonization. Furthermore, Sahar Khamis’ commentary focuses on the social media and concludes with a few thoughts on what needs to be done to ensure the success and continuation of efforts to counter Islamophobia. Besides the pieces that cover the resurge of anti-Islam worldwide, this issue also includes a number of articles that discuss some important issues. Burhanettin Duran, on the tenth anniversary of the Arab Uprising provides a general framework of the developments in the region. Elmar Mustafayev looks at the stance of France on the Second Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan from the angle of the norms and values of the EU. Migration has been the subject of the political developments in Europe lately. Within this context, İbrahim İrdem and Yavor Raychev examine the use of coercive engineered migration as a hybrid threat during the 2015 EU refugee crisis. Lastly, Burak Kürkçü in his article questions the state sponsoring of the terrorist operations of the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia and the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide. At a time when anti-Islam activities are resurging and the Muslim voices are kept down, this issue of Insight Turkey aims to present and to provide the verity to its readers through an extensive and rich framing of the ongoing anti-Islam practices worldwide. We hope that this issue contributes to increase awareness about anti-Islam activities in today’s world.



Road Warriors


Road Warriors
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Author : Daniel Byman
language : en
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Release Date : 2019-05-02

Road Warriors written by Daniel Byman and has been published by Oxford University Press this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2019-05-02 with Political Science categories.


Ever since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, fighters from abroad have journeyed in ever-greater numbers to conflict zones in the Muslim world to defend Islam from-in their view-infidels and apostates. The phenomenon recently reached its apogee in Syria, where the foreign fighter population quickly became larger and more diverse than in any previous conflict. In Road Warriors, Daniel Byman provides a sweeping history of the jihadist foreign fighter movement. He begins by chronicling the movement's birth in Afghanistan, its growing pains in Bosnia and Chechnya, and its emergence as a major source of terrorism in the West in the 1990s, culminating in the 9/11 attacks. Since that bloody day, the foreign fighter movement has seen major ups and downs. It rode high after the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, when the ultra-violent Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) attracted thousands of foreign fighters. AQI overreached, however, and suffered a crushing defeat. Demonstrating the resilience of the movement, however, AQI reemerged anew during the Syrian civil war as the Islamic State, attracting tens of thousands of fighters from around the world and spawning the bloody 2015 attacks in Paris among hundreds of other strikes. Although casualty rates are usually high, the survivors of Afghanistan, Syria, and other fields of jihad often became skilled professional warriors, going from one war to the next. Still others returned to their home countries, some to peaceful retirement but a deadly few to conduct terrorist attacks. Over time, both the United States and Europe have learned to adapt. Before 9/11, volunteers went to and fro to Afghanistan and other hotspots with little interference. Today, the United States and its allies have developed a global program to identify, arrest, and kill foreign fighters. Much remains to be done, however-jihadist ideas and networks are by now deeply embedded, even as groups such as Al Qaeda and the Islamic State rise and fall. And as Byman makes abundantly clear, the problem is not likely to go away any time soon.



Insight Turkey 2021 04 Turkey S Grand Strategy


Insight Turkey 2021 04 Turkey S Grand Strategy
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Author :
language : de
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2021-12-01

Insight Turkey 2021 04 Turkey S Grand Strategy written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2021-12-01 with Political Science categories.


With extensive international changes taking place in the last three decades, such as the collapse of the bipolar world system, the dismemberment of the Soviet Union, the declining hegemony of the U.S., the lack of global leadership, and the rise of challenging global powers, like any other regional power, Turkey has initiated a comprehensive conceptual and theoretical transformation and a process of restructuring in its foreign policy understanding. Turkey has gone beyond the typical realist understanding and begun to develop a new foreign policy perspective that considers moral values. While some consider this new perspective as a ‘civilizational approach,’ others call it ‘moral realism.’ While some consider this transformation as an ‘axis shift,’ others consider it as the ‘normalization of Turkey.’ This large-scale change in Turkish foreign policy, during the governance of the AK Party, has led the state leadership to search for reformulation of the Turkish grand strategy. To achieve an influential role in international politics, Turkey has transformed its foreign policy orientation, which can be analyzed within three complementary contexts, namely national, regional, and international/global. First, Turkey has been experiencing groundbreaking changes in the national context. Under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan there has been a long-term political stability, which allowed Turkey to take significant steps in foreign policy. The strong personality of President Erdoğan provided a convenient atmosphere to execute effective leadership diplomacy. Especially after the military coup attempt on July 15, 2016, Erdoğan has reformed the state structure by ending the traditional bureaucratic tutelage and consolidating the civilian and political administration. After the reconciliation between the state and the people, the greatest transformation was made in the redefinition of the responsibilities of Turkish security. The Turkish national intelligence and the armed forces have abandoned their inward-looking perspective and begun to act as real foreign policy actors. This redefinition has increased Turkey’s hard power in the execution of foreign policy. Furthermore, newly established state institutions such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA), Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (Yurtdışı Türkler, YTB), Yunus Emre Institute, and Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency (AFAD) have provided an enormous soft power capability for Turkey. During the last two decades, Turkey has greatly developed its defense industry, which is one of the preconditions of following a relatively independent foreign policy. Turkey has begun to produce most of the ammunition, weapons and especially the unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs), required for its struggle against terrorism and for deterring external threats. The production of native UCAVs such as Bayraktar TB2, Bayraktar AKINCI, TUSAŞ ANKA, and Vestel Karayel, Turkey has increased its military effectiveness both in its struggle against terrorism and in different regional crises such as Syria, Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh and now has the capacity to act alone and to pursue an Ankara-centered independent foreign policy. Second, Turkey has been seeking effective leadership in the regional context and is determined to eliminate vital threats emanating from non-state actors beyond their borders. Turkey has carried out four effective military interventions into the north part of Syria followed by efforts to improve its cooperation with both immediate and remote neighbors. It has established strategic relations with some regional countries such as Libya, Qatar, and Somalia, while starting to take initiatives and thus has emerged as a regional game-changer in the region. It effectively reacts to regional projections of regional and global powers (Iranian and Israeli expansionism, destabilization efforts of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) on the one hand and develops its own regional projects on the other. One of the most important priorities of Turkey is regional stabilization. Therefore, it has been following an active and non-sectarian regional policy. Third, Turkey has been seeking a high level of autonomy and global status. The country has been asking for the restoration and reformation of the global system. On the one hand, it invites the West to respect its own values and principles. On the other hand, it demands a more just and more inclusive international system, for example asking for the reformation of international institutions such as the United Nations. One of the main indications of Turkey’s new political discourse is the motto crafted by Turkish President Erdoğan “The World Is Bigger than Five.” Turkey desires more autonomy in international relations and therefore it developed a multi-dimensional, sectoral, and diversified foreign policy orientation. For this reason, it tries to improve its relations with all global powers representing different political perspectives such as the U.S., Russia, and China. In order to extend its outreach to and initiate new openings in other parts of the world, Turkey has been providing humanitarian and developmental aid to many countries and thus is increasing its soft power worldwide. In other words, it is trying to be one of the global players and to set the global agenda. Therefore, Turkey has been trying to be active in all related regional and global international organizations. All in all, Turkey has been working to materialize its grand strategy at three different layers, namely the quest for an independent and Ankara-centered based foreign policy understanding, the quest for regional leadership, and the quest for an autonomous and effective global status. Turkey has recently taken many critical measures by increasing its soft power through which it provides humanitarian and developmental aid worldwide, its hard power by developing its national defense industry and military interventions to regional crises, and its productivity power with the successes in industrial and technological sectors. Taking all these developments into consideration, this new issue of Insight Turkey focuses on the transformation of Turkey’s grand strategy. Three commentaries and six articles will help the readers to understand better Turkey’s current position at a regional and global level. In the light of the changes the international system has gone through, Hasan Yükselen’s article explores the ill-suited features of mainstream debates and theorizing from a Turkish perspective. Yükselen argues that Turkey has a long pursued grand strategy, but new concepts can enhance its ability to strategize and can enrich the recently emerged vibrant debates exploring Turkey’s grand strategy. How compatible is Turkey’s grand strategy with the grand strategies of global great powers? A crucial question Şener Aktürk’s study seeks to answer. The article provisionally concludes that the Turkish grand strategy seems to be most compatible, or least incompatible, with the British grand strategy, followed by the U.S.’, whereas Turkish and French and especially Russian grand strategies seem particularly incompatible. By claiming that the international order significant transformation enforced Turkey to relocate its international position, Murat Yeşiltaş and Ferhat Pirinççi analyze how Turkey should adjust its grand strategy under the changing international order and protect its important interests by developing a comprehensive grand strategy. The analysis of Turkey’s grand strategy would be incomplete if no special focus was put on its bilateral relations with global or regional actors such as Russia, Middle East North Africa (MENA), and African countries. Alperen Kürşad Zengin and İlyas Topsakal explain the common aspects of the grand strategies of Turkey and Russia. This piece evaluates the policies of both countries in Syria, Libya, and the South Caucasus where the interests of both intersect and occasionally conflict. Today, soft power plays an important role in advancing states’ foreign policy goals and Turkey pays special attention to the development and maintenance of its soft power. Ali Omidi’s commentary uses a descriptive-analysis approach to address the components of Turkey’s soft power in the MENA region in the years 2011-2020, the second decade of AK Party governance. Turkish-African relations have consistently exhibited strong growth since Ankara declared 2005 as the year of Africa. In this regard, Abdinor Dahir’s commentary argues that Turkey’s growing footprint in Africa will likely continue to produce positive results for both sides. Within the same scope, Abdennour Toumi examines how Algeria-Turkey’s ambitious strategic rapprochement will affect France’s Sahel policy. The commentary reviews the ongoing diplomatic tensions between Algiers and Paris following President Emmanuel Macron’s cutting back on visas granted to Maghreb citizens and his comments on the existence of an Algerian nation before the French invasion and later colonization in 1832. In terms of economic diplomacy, Kaan Yiğenoğlu investigates the Turkey-UK free trade agreement which came into force in 2021. Yiğenoğlu analyzes the economic relations between the two countries and examines the details of the agreement in the context of the changes that it provides. This issue of Insight Turkey, through off-topic pieces, covers very significant issues related to Karabakh War, Gulf rivalry, and developments in the Balkans. Examining the attitudes of international actors during the 44-day Karabakh war is important as they affected the international balances in the Caucasus. Nazim Jafarov and Araz Aslanlı focus on Russia’s attitude as it was of special importance. The article carefully examines the policy followed by Russia during and after the 44-day Karabakh war and its main and parallel pillars. By focusing on Turkey as a rising drone power, the role and impact of Turkey’s military support, especially its drones, on Azerbaijan’s Nagorno-Karabakh victory is highlighted by Hülya Kınık and Sinem Çelik. This article argues that Turkey’s political, diplomatic, and military contributions to Azerbaijan will likely be discussed on the global agenda for years to come. With regard to the recent developments in the Gulf, Mustafa Menshawy and Simon Mabon’s commentary argues that the Saudi-Qatari tensions lie in conflicting perspectives about the role of political Islam within the fabric of both states and their actions regionally. Menshawy and Mabon believe that the rivalry stems from contrasting relations between political and religious elites in each country which has taken on increasing political importance in tensions between Riyadh and Doha. Meanwhile, Mehmet Rakipoğlu’s commentary focuses on another dimension as he provides an analysis of the role of the Gulf over the Sudanese transition period concluding that the UAE and Saudi Arabia, using petrodollars as a tool, are directly engaging in Sudan’s transition period. Kemal İnat and Melih Yıldız in their article discuss the rise of China in the light of economic and military data and what the challenge from China means for the global leadership of the U.S. In this context, an answer has been sought to the question of what will be the consequences of the rise of China in terms of the international political system. The last off-topic article written by Andrej Semenov analyzes the Washington Agreement (WA) in the context of EU efforts to facilitate the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. Semenov claims that the agreement commits Kosovo to the mini-Schengen and brings a novelty into the dynamics of the Belgrade-Pristina relationship. With one more year coming to an end, we are pleased to present to our readers yet another insightful issue of Insight Turkey that has attempted to bring a comprehensive analysis of Turkey’s grand strategy and highlight its current regional and international role and status. Hopefully, this issue will provide the foothold for all those interested in defining Turkey’s grand strategy. We are looking forward to providing you with more next year!



Putin S Syrian Gambit


Putin S Syrian Gambit
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Author : John W. Parker
language : az
Publisher: Government Printing Office
Release Date : 2017

Putin S Syrian Gambit written by John W. Parker and has been published by Government Printing Office this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2017 with categories.




Proxy Warfare On The Cheap


Proxy Warfare On The Cheap
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Author : Spyridon Plakoudas
language : en
Publisher: Rowman & Littlefield
Release Date : 2023-03-15

Proxy Warfare On The Cheap written by Spyridon Plakoudas and has been published by Rowman & Littlefield this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-03-15 with categories.


This book examines how the USA decided, reluctantly at first, to use the Syrian Kurds as a cheap proxy warrior against ISIS and how this partnership evolved, in the end, into a not-so-cheap investment owing to its unforeseen geopolitical implications.



Exploring Emotions In Turkey Iran Relations


Exploring Emotions In Turkey Iran Relations
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Author : Mehmet Akif Kumral
language : en
Publisher: Springer Nature
Release Date : 2020-05-15

Exploring Emotions In Turkey Iran Relations written by Mehmet Akif Kumral and has been published by Springer Nature this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2020-05-15 with Political Science categories.


This book explores emotional-affective implications of partnership and rivalry in Turkey-Iran relations. The main proposition of this research underlines the theoretical need to reconnect psycho-social conceptualizations of “emotionality,” “affectivity,” “normativity,” and “relationality.” By combining key theoretical findings, the book offers a holistic conceptual framework to better analyze emotional-affective configuration of relational rules and roles in trans-governmental neighborhood interactions. The empirical chapters look at four consecutive periods extending from the end of First World War (November 1918) to the resuscitation of US sanctions against Iran (November 2018). In each episode, global-regional contours and dyadic dynamics of Ankara-Tehran relationship are examined critically. The century-long history of emotional entanglements and affective arrangements exposes complex patterning of “feeling rules.” Two countervailing constellations still reign over relational narratives. While the 1514 Çaldıran war myth reproduces sectarian resentment and confrontational climate, the 1639 Kasr-ı Şirin peace story reconstructs secular sympathy and collaborative atmosphere in Turkish-Iranian affairs.