Home eBooks Download › different dimensions of environmental security in t rkiye and beyond

Different Dimensions Of Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond

Download Different Dimensions Of Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond PDF/ePub or read online books in Mobi eBooks. Click Download or Read Online button to get Different Dimensions Of Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond book now. This website allows unlimited access to, at the time of writing, more than 1.5 million titles, including hundreds of thousands of titles in various foreign languages. If the content not found or just blank you must refresh this page

Different Dimensions Of Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond

DOWNLOAD
Author : Muhittin Ataman
language : tr
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2023-03-01

Different Dimensions Of Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond written by Muhittin Ataman and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-03-01 with Political Science categories.

Insight Turkey Winter 2024 Asia Anew Revisited

DOWNLOAD
Author : Alaeddin Tekin
language : en
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date :

Insight Turkey Winter 2024 Asia Anew Revisited written by Alaeddin Tekin and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on with Political Science categories.

Since the early 2000s, almost every great, middle and even small power has developed a tendency to deepen their relations in the Asia-Pacific region. This tendency is also valid regarding international and regional organizations. In addition to state actors, non-state and even sub-state actors have assigned a certain value to this region in their strategic calculations. With such a tilt, Asia-Pacific actors have become a focal point of global politics. The increasing significance of the region has been boosted by the rising Asian powers, such as China, India, Japan, Australia, South Korea, and Indonesia. With all this dynamism, extra-regional actors have increased their economic, political, strategic, and cultural investments in Asia-Pacific. This rise in the region’s multileveled value has led regionalism-oriented IR researchers to develop the concept of the Asian Century. Türkiye has a peculiar position and significance in this regard combining the West and the non-West in many respects. Unlike the Cold War and early-post Cold War times, the world, especially the Asia-Pacific “world” is not composed of only two vectors, the West and the non-West, but several spanning into a variety of directions. This multi-vectorial reality of inter-non/-state affairs fits into Türkiye’s ambitions in its foreign policy. The Cold War label of Türkiye, i.e., the staunch ally of the West, is no longer completely valid. Türkiye of today is much more than that. The Western alliance is only an aspect of Türkiye whose substance has been amalgamated by Ankara’s developing relations with other regions and sub-regions of the globe including Asia-Pacific. Türkiye’s search for political-strategic clout in other regions has led Ankara to conceptualize and announce the most comprehensive and official foreign policy approach towards the Asia-Pacific region yet, known as the Asia Anew Initiative. This shows that Türkiye is not an exception to the above-stated powers that gave this region a central place in their strategic calculations. The initiative is predominantly multifaceted at its core, which aims to eliminate the asymmetries between Türkiye and Asian actors in both strategic and commercial terms. By increasing the engagement and cooperation with these actors, Türkiye aims to utilize its advantage in the sectors that it has considerable advantages in, such as tourism, conventional defense technology, and construction together with the ones in which it has emerging improvement, such as high-tech, finance, infrastructure, and energy transport. Türkiye’s additional connotation regarding Asia-Pacific is in geocultural terms. Due to its historical and religious background, Türkiye has many ties with Pakistan, Bangladesh, South Korea, Muslim communities of India, and to an extent Afghanistan. This has been an important channel that Turkish state and non-state actors have experienced in deepening their relations in the region. Türkiye’s soft power and diplomacy have also utilized such cultural affinity. Links tracing back to the 15th century of the Ottoman era has aided Türkiye’s influence in South and Southeast Asia. A clear empirical indication of such influence is the popularity of Turkish culture/history-oriented television serials within these communities. Thus, geocultural impact not only boosts Türkiye’s visibility and weight in the region but also helps it to be relevant in the non-Western and multiple directional vectors of the Asia-Pacific politico-economic fabric. An additional element of Türkiye’s engagement in the region is that it tries to utilize almost any type of “-lateralism.” i.e., multilateralism, minilateralism, and bilateralism. Ankara is trying to be a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and has put forward its intention to join the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. It has also created MIKTA, a transregional partnership grouping, with its like-minded partners from the region. More importantly, it has been developing a whole range of bilateralisms with Asia-Pacific countries regardless of their power statuses. Another very significant element of Türkiye’s engagement with the region is its focus on Asia-Pacific communities. Various Turkish state institutions, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA), the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), and the Türkiye scholarships program of the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) have been developing Türkiye’s people-to-people links through strategic and sustainable communication and promoting the country’s national brand. Although there is an obvious increase in Türkiye’s engagement with Asia-Pacific it is still early to assert its prominence in the region. However, this is not only a result of Türkiye’s current capabilities but the parameters of competition that must be navigated, with the global powers competing and cooperating in the region. Türkiye in this sense would require more cooperative patterns with like-minded powers, to increase its influence and boost its partners’ strength. Asia-Pacific is not a hassle-free region and currently Türkiye has a limited impact in this challenging ecosystem. On the other hand, developing multifaceted relations, especially with culturally and historically proximate sub-regions, will increase Türkiye’s visibility and impact. With the above-stated awareness and engagements, Türkiye’s visibility and economic significance in the Asia-Pacific will significantly increase over time. One very formidable catalyst for this would be its cultural and historical ties with Central Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia, which have already been transforming into commercial and political-strategic outcomes. The current edition of Insight Turkey is dedicated to the exploration of bilateral relations between Türkiye and Far Eastern countries, within the context of the Asia Anew Initiative. The winter issue features a commentary and six research articles on this subject, providing a comprehensive analysis of the topic. Moreover, the issue includes four off-topic comments and two research articles that lie outside the main theme. Among these, two articles shed light on the current Gaza genocide, ongoing since October 7. The commentary section opens with a perceptive analysis by Nuh Yılmaz on Türkiye’s foreign policy toward Asia. In his commentary, Yılmaz examines Türkiye’s general perspective on the Asian continent and discusses the basic dynamics of the initiative. According to his analysis, there has been a significant shift in the global balance of power, with Atlantic Asia emerging as a rising force in, politics, military, culture, and especially in economy. This transformation of the Asian continent prompted Türkiye to launch the Asia Anew Initiative in 2019, which presents a comprehensive and systematic vision for Asia. Yılmaz delves into Türkiye’s general perspective on the Asian continent and the key dynamics of this initiative. Furthermore, the initial research article, authored by Gürol Baba as the guest editor, centers on Türkiye’s strategies and its Asia Anew Initiative. Through his work, Baba endeavors to illustrate that within the Asian framework, Türkiye has the capability to not only be pragmatic but also achieve efficiency by implementing a diverse foreign policy approach. He argues that Türkiye’s application of multi-vectorism to its foreign policy in Asia is more successful than multilateralism or minilateralism policies. This is because there is much more than the two traditional vectors (West and non-West) due to the current intra-regional fragmentations and deviations in Asia. Baba embodied the success of bilateral relations in Asia by giving examples from some countries. Following Baba’s outline of Türkiye’s approach to its Asian policy, the second research article, penned by Mujib Alam, delves into the complex nature of Türkiye-India relations between 2000 and 2023. Alam’s analysis spans diplomatic, economic, scientific, and cultural exchanges, offering a comprehensive view of their bilateral engagements. Despite different stances on issues such as Kashmir and Cyprus, Alam points out a trend towards improvement in relations, especially economic relations and cultural exchanges, driven by the foreign policy trends of the ruling parties of the two countries. The third research article by Kohei Imai examines the bilateral relations between Türkiye and Japan, which will soon celebrate their 100th anniversary in 2024. Imai delves into the historical relationship between the two nations, which while positive, lacked a tangible cooperative partnership. He carefully considers the diplomatic challenges and public perspectives that Japan encounters, and identifies opportunities for both countries to pursue more practical collaborations moving forward. In the next research article, Alaeddin Tekin and Arshad Islam focus on Malaysia, shedding light on Türkiye’s relationship with another Southeast Asian country. In research articles based on primary sources, including Ottoman and Turkish archives as well as Bahasa Melayu and English materials, Tekin and Islam aim to investigate historical and current relations between Turks and Malays. Another research article on the subject, written by Yunhee Kim, tries to examine veteran diplomacy through the example of Türkiye and draws from the different historical examples of the Korean War. Claiming that veteran diplomacy can be used as an opportunity to expand South Korea’s soft power in the new public diplomacy era of the 21st century, Kim also argues that this diplomacy paves the way for security cooperation in the context of Türkiye-South Korea relations. Ali Akkemik, who deals with Türkiye’s relations with East Asia from the economic dimension, in the next research article, states that their economic relations have undergone a significant structural change in the last twenty years. According to Akkemik, while Japan previously dominated Türkiye’s trade with East Asia and the flow of direct foreign investment from East Asia to Türkiye, recently, both South Korea and China have surpassed Japan as Türkiye’s main trading partners in East Asia and have caught up with Japan in terms of foreign investments in Türkiye. Moreover, in this issue, we address the grave humanitarian crisis stemming from the conflict in Gaza. Specifically, two commentaries focus on the tragic events unfolding since October 7. Nkosi Zwelivelile Mandelsizwe Dalibhunga Mandela offers an analysis of South Africa’s response to Israel’s actions against the Palestinian people, focusing on their legal recourse at the International Court of Justice. He draws comparisons between Israel’s treatment of Palestinians and South Africa’s apartheid era, underscoring the deep ties of solidarity between these communities and the essential role of global unity, accountability, and concerted efforts in promoting justice and equality. Additionally, Norma Hashim provides a unique perspective by focusing on the plight of prisoners and hostages in Gaza, arguing that Palestinian prisoners are central to the narrative of the genocide initiated on October 7. She delves into their importance within the Palestinian national movement and shares the personal stories of some of these prisoners, highlighting their significance in the context of the ongoing crisis in Gaza. In other off-topic commentary, Sönmez Ateşoğlu has written a commentary as a continuation of the research article, “Economic Power and International Security,” he previously published in Insight Turkey. While Nancy Snow has provided a commentary in which she discusses the national brand of Japan, where she lived for many years. In his previously published research article, Ateşoğlu explains in detail the impact of economic power on international security and the connection between economic and military power, but claims that the security dimension is not sufficiently addressed. Therefore, in this commentary, the author aims to explain the impact of military power on international security, especially in the context of Türkiye, and how a state can achieve its security goals by using military force. On the other hand, Nancy Snow explores the evolution of Japan’s national brand, analyzing the transition from historical isolation to its current global recognition, especially under the influence of Shinzo Abe’s policies. The winter issue broadens its scope with two research articles that venture beyond the main theme. Blerim Sallahu’s contribution opens this segment with an in-depth exploration of the modalities for acquiring citizenship in Kosovo. Following this, Kemal İnat and Burhanettin Duran assess the Ukrainian war’s profound repercussions on the global order, scrutinizing the intricate position and consequential influence of Türkiye –situated uniquely as both a neighbor to Russia and an ally of the U.S.– within this complex geopolitical landscape. This latest special edition of Insight Turkey meticulously explores the evolving dynamics of Türkiye’s engagement with East Asia under the ambit of the Asia Anew Initiative. This edition is distinguished by a series of foundational articles that provide a thorough overview of the initiative, alongside in-depth analyses of Türkiye’s bilateral relationships with key Asian nations. We trust that the comprehensive discussions and diverse perspectives presented in this issue will offer our readers valuable insights and deepen their understanding of the intricate geopolitical landscape.

Insight Turkey Winter 2023 Volume 25 No 1

DOWNLOAD
Author : Ayşe Avcı
language : en
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2023-03-01

Insight Turkey Winter 2023 Volume 25 No 1 written by Ayşe Avcı and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-03-01 with Political Science categories.

On May 14, 2023, Türkiye will hold both the presidential and the parliamentarian elections, in which the Turkish people will choose the president and all 600 members of the Turkish Parliament. This will be the second elections since the transition to the presidential system in 2017. After the first elections, held in June 2018, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was elected as the first president of the new governmental system, and AK Party received more than 42 percent of the total votes, winning almost half of the seats in parliament. As in the first elections, two major political blocs will compete, namely, the People’s Alliance (Cumhur İttifakı) and the Nation Alliance (Millet İttifakı). The People’s Alliance bloc consists of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AK Party) led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP) led by Devlet Bahçeli, the Great Unity Party (Büyük Birlik Partisi, BBP) led by Mustafa Destici, the New Welfare Party (Yeniden Refah Partisi, YRP) led by Fatih Erbakan and the Free Cause Party (Hür Dava Partisi, HÜDA-PAR) led by Zekeriya Yapıcıoğlu. The second political bloc, the Nation Alliance also known as the Table of Six (Altılı Masa), is made up of six-plus-one political parties. The alliance, which was initially formed in May 2018 by four political parties, now consists of six parties, while one party supports the bloc from outside. The Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP) led by Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and the Good Party (İyi Parti, İP) led by Meral Akşener are the two main allies. They were/are officially supported by four smaller political parties. The Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti, DP) led by Gültekin Uysal represents the center right, while the Felicity Party (Saadet Partisi, SP) led by Temel Karamollaoğlu is the continuation of Necmettin Erbakan’s Islamic political tradition. The two additional political parties, the Future Party (Gelecek Partisi, GP) led by Ahmet Davutoğlu and the Democracy and Progress Party (Demokrasi ve Atılım Partisi, DEVA Party) led by Ali Babacan are breakaway groups from the ruling AK Party. They have recently joined the Nation Alliance in an attempt to overthrow the ruling party, which has been in power for the last two decades. In addition to these six political parties, the Peoples’ Democratic Party (Halkların Demokratik Partisi, HDP) led by Pervin Buldan and Mithat Sancar, also supports the Nation Alliance. However, it did not become an official partner of the Nation Alliance, since some partners of the alliance, most notably the İP, generally representing the secular Turkish nationalists, oppose the alliance with HDP due to its close connections with PKK. Therefore, although HDP has declared its support for the candidacy of Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, it has not joined the alliance. It has become obvious that two political alliances will dominate the election process, therefore there are effectively only two main presidential candidates. While the People’s Alliance has nominated Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the Nation Alliance has nominated Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu for the presidential post. Concurrently, there are two additional candidates, Muharrem İnce and Sinan Oğan, supported by other small political parties that will no doubt influence the election results, however they are not expected to get more than a small percentage of the vote. The two opposing and conflicting political blocs represent an almost absolute mutual exclusive perspective about the future of Türkiye and the politics of the country, reflecting the increasing polarization of Turkish politics. These two alliances have two opposite and conflictual perspectives of Türkiye. The People’s Alliance emerged as a consequence of a domestic stance against the attacks Türkiye faced after the bloody coup attempt by FETÖ on July 15, 2016, which led to many major changes in the country. The alliance aims to maintain the current government, to consolidate the current presidential system, to continue the country’s transformation program, to protect the country against both internal and external threats, to increase its deterrent military power, to strengthen its economic development, and to globalize its diplomatic power. The Nation Alliance, on the other hand, was formed as a reaction to the People’s Alliance, since no one political party was/is able to challenge the power of AK Party and its leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The alliance is determined to reverse the course of politics in the country and to reverse many of the changes made by the AK Party governments. It claims that if it wins the elections, it will initiate a process of restoration, revive the old political system, change the regime, revive the old, and turn to the status quo ante. However, the Nation Alliance is quite a vulnerable and fractured opposition bloc. It seems that while the Nation Alliance agrees on what it does not want, specifically the rule of the AK Party, the bloc does not know what it wants instead. There is no real consensus among the fragmented opposition parties about the future of the country. Not only do different political parties expect different developments, even different wings within certain political parties make different suggestions. For example, some officials of the biggest partner of the Nation Alliance, the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), has declared that they will apologize (helalleşmek) to certain mistreated groups such as the women who were excluded from education and work because they chose to wear Islamic clothing. On the other hand, some other representatives and supporters emphasize that they will take revenge (hesaplaşmak) against other groups close to AK Party. Another important event that reflects the division within and the brittleness of the Nation Alliance is related to the announcement of their presidential candidate. Not only did it take more than ten meetings and several months for them to decide, but at the end of the process, the leader of İP, Akşener, left the block as she (and her party) did not approve the candidacy of Kılıçdaroğlu. Nevertheless, she came back to the table just one day later accepting Kılıçdaroğlu’s candidacy but adding two new names, Ekrem İmamoğlu and Mansur Yavaş, CHP mayors of İstanbul and Ankara respectively, to the existing five vice-presidents. Indeed, for a long time, Akşener had been campaigning that one of these two men be selected for the presidential candidacy. The upcoming elections, which are held on the centennial anniversary of the Turkish Republic, put Türkiye at an important crossroads. It seems that two conflictual perspectives, the bloc that supports the consolidation of the presidential system and the bloc that supports a regime change, will collide. While the People’s Alliance emphasize autonomy in foreign policy and seeks to achieve regional leadership, the Nation Alliance promote an inward-looking political system and withdrawal from regional issues. Whatever the position of the bloc, one thing is for sure: The Turkish people want a strong leadership in foreign policy during this crucial global transition period. The turnout in Turkish elections is relatively high, generally over 80 percent, which is one of the highest in the world. Considering the politicization in the people’s daily lives, political polarization and the harsh political dialogue, it seems that the turnout in the upcoming elections will be even higher. Furthermore, the earthquake disaster of February 6 has further exacerbated and aroused the political fault lines. However, at the end of this high level of democratic competition and turnout in elections, Turkish democracy will be the winner, and it will be consolidated. Taking into consideration these developments and the importance of the elections -not only for Türkiye but for the regional and global affairs as well- this issue of Insight Turkey tackles some of the most important and determinative topics influencing the results. Disinformation has been one of the most noticeable ramifications we are experiencing of the digital revolution. At the same time, Türkiye, situated in a geopolitical hotspot, is one of the countries that is both a target and a hub of disinformation campaigns in the region. Within this context, Fahrettin Altun, the Presidency Communications Director has penned a commentary addressing misinformation and disinformation with a special focus on Türkiye and the initiatives undertaken by Communication Directorate. Within the same line of thought, Yenal Göksun provides an overview of Türkiye’s strategic communication policy and evolution of the Turkish communication model and the current strategic communication initiatives undertaken by the Directorate of Communications. According to Göksun, Türkiye’s evolving development and foreign policy agenda, which has developed rapidly in the last 20 years, has pushed it to undertake more ambitious efforts in the field of communication and public diplomacy, and as a result, innovations have been made in strategic communication policies. Turning to one of the most discussed issues in recent years in Türkiye’s politics, Cem Duran Uzun focuses on the country’s presidential system and the different government systems proposed by various parties before the 2023 elections. He specifically focuses on the differences between the U.S. presidential system and Türkiye’s administrative system, which overhauled its political system in 2017 and replaced the parliamentary system with a Turkish-style presidential system. Following up, Hamit Emrah Beriş evaluates the key issues in Turkish politics before the 2023 elections. Beriş argues that the 2023 elections are one of the most important in Türkiye’s history and four main topics determined the fate of the elections: refugees, the economy, rising nationalism, and the Kurdish question. The author focuses on serious differences of opinion between the ruling and opposition blocs on the solution to these problems. According to Beriş, the 2023 elections will show whether the approaches of the ruling or opposition wing are in line with the expectations of Turkish society. In our next research article, Ravza Altuntaş Çakır aims to investigate the relationship between ethnic Muslim minority identity and transnational Muslim solidarity, with emphasis on HÜDA-PAR, the most organized political Islamic organization and the second largest political party in Southeast Türkiye. In her paper, Çakır examines how the concept of ummah motivates the party’s domestic/ideological, national and transnational political discourses and initiatives, and also deals with the uncertainties that a mostly abstract and idealist ummahist approach to modern politics brings in the face of Kurdish nationalism, regional realpolitik, and democratic pluralism. As mentioned previously, refugees are another important issue for the forthcoming elections. In that respect, the article by Hatice Karahan and Öznur Gülen Ertosun examines the various dynamics that Syrian women under temporary protection face in the labor market in Türkiye. Technology has become a driving force in the global affairs and Türkiye has been taking all the necessary steps to take advantage of new developments. Within this line of thought, Serdal Temel in his commentary argues that Türkiye, an emerging economy, has been attempting to improve its socioeconomic strength through the promotion of research and development (R&D), innovation, and technological development activities. The author underlines that since the 2000s, the government has implemented support programs focused on developing the innovation capacity of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and universities, and emphasizes that these programs are diversified as support for ecosystem improvements as well as support for patenting, commercialization and entrepreneurship. In another article, Nurettin Akçay and Guo Changgang, discuss China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Türkiye’s Middle Corridor (MC) projects, which have a common goal of connecting Europe and Asia, as well as facilitating commercial, economic, political and socio-cultural interactions between the two continents. In this commentary, which aims to examine the history, objectives and stages of Türkiye’s MC, Akçay and Changgang harmonizes the BRI with the MC and examines the inherent risks and challenges of integration as well as opportunities for the region. Our final commentary by Şafak Oğuz, analyzes the possible consequences of the F-35 fighter crisis between the U.S. and Türkiye, particularly in terms of its effect on the tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs) deployed in Türkiye as part of NATO’s nuclear sharing program. Three off-topic research articles enrich the scope of our special issue. Eldar Hasanoğlu and Oğuzhan Çağlıyan investigate, with the onset of the COVID-19 crisis, how the Israeli diplomacy initiative took on greater importance in maintaining its presence and reputation internationally. In their article, the authors analyze Israel’s approach to COVID-19 diplomacy, which involved providing medical teams, PPE, and surplus vaccines to approximately 20 countries, and examine the political and strategic calculations behind Israel’s decision to extend assistance to specific countries. Focusing on the religious conflicts in Kashmir, Resul Yalçın and Umair Gul seek to try to contextualize the search for the “secular” while examining the construction of Muslim identity, the institution of martyrdom, and its social basis in Kashmir. They define Kashmir as a festering political problem receiving little global attention. Lastly, Bashkim Rrahmani and Majlinda Belegu focus on the Serbia-Kosovo dialogue. They discuss the important issues linked with the dialogue that is being facilitated and negotiated by the EU, including essential activities, challenges, obstacles, antagonisms, the approach the EU facilitators/mediators undertake, as well as the reaction and the expected results that the parties involved in the process have regarding reaching a final solution to the dispute. As Türkiye is on the eve on one of the most important elections in its history, this issue of Insight Turkey addresses some of the issues that have been dominating the political agenda lately. Through this issue, we hope to provide our readers with a thorough analysis and the necessary foundations for a better understanding of some of the main issues that will influence the outcome of the May 14 elections.

Insight Turkey Summer 2023 The Century Of T Rkiye

DOWNLOAD
Author :
language : tr
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2023-10-01

Insight Turkey Summer 2023 The Century Of T Rkiye written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-10-01 with Political Science categories.

Türkiye is currently commemorating the centenary of the proclamation of the Republican regime. After signing the Lausanne Peace Treaty with the victorious powers of the First World War on July 24, 1923, the Turkish state changed the regime from monarchy to republic. Therefore, although it was designed as a new state by transforming its capital city from the imperial İstanbul to Ankara, the Republic of Türkiye is the successor state of the Ottoman Empire. Most state institutions such as the Council of the State (Danıştay) and the Turkish Police Service (Türk Polis Teşkilatı), both established in the second half of the 19th century, are inherited from the Ottomans. The establishment of the Republican regime as a continuation of the Ottoman Empire, a global power extending over three continents, can be compared with the birth of a phoenix out of its ashes. According to the Greek and Egyptian mythology, the phoenix is a bird that throws itself into fire after living for centuries and is reborn from its ashes. It is believed that the main reason for this suicidal act is the distress caused by living in the same pattern for a long time, since it desires to return as a different bird from the ashes. Similarly, many historians and political scientists consider the entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War as a suicidal act. Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, after the war, the Turkish state was born out of its ashes, changed its pattern of government in 1923 and established a new regime. However, domestic, regional and global conditions and developments did not allow Türkiye, the phoenix, to spread its wings. Throughout the 20th century, Türkiye largely followed a defensive domestic and foreign policy. While it tried to build a new “nation” and consolidate the new regime at the domestic level, Türkiye tried to follow a passive and reactive policy towards external developments at the international level. Türkiye secured its borders during the first half of the 20th century and entered into the NATO alliance, with the Western world against the Soviet threat, for the second half. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Türkiye experienced an identity crisis in the first decade of the post-Cold War era. Early in the 21st century, the AK Party, under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, came to power and largely restructured Türkiye’s domestic and foreign policies. At the domestic setting, President Erdoğan and the AK Party successfully normalized state-society relations, made peace with its history, abolished the long-time bureaucratic tutelage, and decreased pressure on certain social groups excluded from the state structure such as the religious groups, Kurds, and Alevis. Radical changes, which are described as a “quiet revolution” by Turkish and foreign observers, were made in different issue areas such as education, health, infrastructure, and economy. Since 2002, the successive AK Party governments under the leadership of President Erdoğan redefined Türkiye’s foreign policy orientation. Ankara has completed many mega infrastructural projects over the last two decades. After increasing its economic power and military capacity at the national level, Türkiye began to take initiatives and to play a leadership role in its regions. Accordingly, it improved its relations with the Turkic and Muslim worlds. Furthermore, it expanded its sphere of influence and started to deal with global issues. By increasing its effectiveness in international platforms, Türkiye began to contribute to resolving global problems. Just before the centennial commemoration of the Turkish Republic in October 2022, President Erdoğan unveiled a new foreign policy vision known as the ‘Century of Türkiye.’ This strategic discourse aims to establish a ‘Turkish Axis’ at the onset of Türkiye’s second century. Within this context, President Erdoğan emphasized that Türkiye’s path to achieving autonomy in international politics hinges on breaking free from internal and external tutelage. For several years, Türkiye has been meticulously preparing to adapt to shifts in the global political landscape and the evolving balance of power. This new Turkish foreign policy vision for the 21st century carries forward the nation’s historical pursuit of greater autonomy and a broader sphere of influence, a quest that spans the entirety of the 20th century. However, what sets the current foreign policy orientation apart from the previous century is its approach to alliance formation. Under the rule of the AK Party, Türkiye has undergone a paradigm shift by diversifying its foreign relationships and fostering strategic engagements. This transformation, coupled with President Erdoğan’s charismatic leadership and two decades of political stability, has provided Türkiye with a unique opportunity to expand its sphere of influence on a global scale, akin to a triumphant rebirth like that of a phoenix. The year 2023 holds immense significance for Türkiye, as it marked (among others) not only one of the most pivotal elections -with local, regional and global implications, but also the centenary of the Republic’s establishment. Consequently, throughout this year, Insight Turkey has been dedicated to delivering in-depth analyses of Türkiye’s domestic affairs and foreign policies. To complete the picture, this issue of Insight Turkey embarks on a profound exploration, delving into the progress Türkiye has achieved over the past century. It also shines a spotlight on the Century of Türkiye vision, which outlines the nation’s aspirations for the upcoming century. The goal is to offer a comprehensive analysis, examining Türkiye’s historical evolution and transformation, identifying the catalysts behind these changes, and ultimately, shedding light on what these developments signify for Türkiye’s future. In line with this objective, the latest issue of Insight Turkey features a total of 5 comprehensive commentaries. Among these, 2 commentaries delve deeply into the evolution of Turkish foreign policy, while the remaining 3 offer valuable insights into various aspects of bilateral relations. Additionally, the issue includes a collection of 8 research articles, although it’s worth noting that 3 of these articles are off-topic. The commentary section opens with the significant insights shared by Hakan Fidan, the newly appointed Foreign Minister of the Republic of Türkiye, concerning the Turkish foreign policy vision. Fidan’s commentary underscores the dynamic shifts in geopolitical landscapes, the escalating global challenges, and the position of Türkiye in this changing international system. He emphasizes Türkiye’s aspiration to emerge as a pivotal player, characterized by inclusivity and efficacy, capable of addressing the pressing global and regional issues. Fidan asserts that in this 21st century, Türkiye is resolutely committed to shaping the foundations for enduring peace and prosperity within its region and beyond, all while adeptly safeguarding its national interests amidst a turbulent global milieu. In the second commentary, Klaus Jurgens focuses on discovering the underlying reasons for the development of Türkiye’s modern foreign policy. Instead of pursuing bilateral relations with individual countries, he aims to identify the catalyst that triggered the first measurable change in the country’s approach to foreign policy. According to the author, in more than two decades Türkiye has made progress towards becoming a fully integrated and often trend-setting international actor. From a historical perspective, Ali Bakir considers Türkiye’s foreign policy towards the Middle East, a region deeply intertwined with Türkiye’s heritage. The author examines Türkiye’s approach to the region from the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne to the rise of the AK Party in the early 2000s, reflecting both its historical ties and strategic imperatives; he emphasizes the concepts of reactivity, assertiveness, autonomy, diplomacy, neutrality, revisionism, and pro-activeness. As a result, the commentary offers insights into the evolving nature of Türkiye’s versatile and adaptable foreign policy and role in the Middle East over the last 100 years (1923-2023). In the following commentaries, while Dolapo Fakuade looks at Türkiye-Africa relations from the perspective of humanitarian aid and security agreements, Alessia Chiriatti examines Türkiye-Italy relations through food diplomacy and membership in joint international organizations. Dolapo emphasizes that Türkiye does not have a significant colonial history on the continent, unlike other European countries, and evaluates the relations with Africa in recent years through the concept of soft power, concluding that the relations are gradually strengthening. Using examples of Türkiye’s security and humanitarian aid deployments in Somalia, Libya and Nigeria, he argues that the relationship between Türkiye and African countries has resulted in more promising and positive impacts on the continent, not least due to relations arising from historical ties with the Ottoman Empire. On the other hand, Chiriatti discusses Italy-Türkiye relations through food diplomacy and NATO membership, establishing parallels between the current global diplomacy, especially in the midst of the Ukraine crisis. She also explores how Türkiye uses food diplomacy, such as the Black Sea Grain Initiative, to strengthen its regional and global influence. As stated above, the Century of Türkiye vision is the main highlight of this issue. Within this perspective, Muhittin Ataman, in his article, provides a comprehensive analysis of Türkiye’s developing foreign policy in recent years, examines the changes and transformations in depth, and discusses the basic principles and goals that define Türkiye’s new foreign policy vision. Ataman argues that President Erdoğan, after a tough struggle against both domestic and foreign tutelage, managed to achieve strategic autonomy in Turkish foreign policy and built a strong economy and increased its military capacity at the national level. The author also argues that Türkiye began to take initiative and play a leadership role at the regional level by improving its relations with both Turkic and Muslim countries, and claims that it also increased its status at the global level by diversifying its relations with other actors. In the next research article, Hasan Yükselen delves into what he perceives as the emergence of a new strategic discourse in Turkish foreign policy, referred to as the Century of Türkiye. Yükselen explores the various factors that play a pivotal role in shaping this discourse, elucidates how the institution perceives structural changes, examines Türkiye’s positioning in response to shifts in the international political system, global economy, and geography. Furthermore, he analyzes both the potential dangers and promises, associated with this strategic direction, and delves into the specific content and components of this emerging discourse. Focusing especially on the naval strategies, Serkan Balkan and Murat Yeşiltaş aim to examine the evolution of Türkiye’s naval strategy from a coastal defense-focused concept to an assertive concept with a broader geopolitical perspective. Balkan and Yeşiltaş offer an in-depth analysis of the evolution of Türkiye’s maritime strategy from the early years of the Republic to the present day. Furthermore, they examine various contextual factors influencing the transformation of Türkiye’s naval forces, including the intra-institutional context within the Turkish Armed Forces, the discursive context regarding dominant geopolitical narratives, and the geostrategic context regarding the operationalization of Turkish naval strategy. Shifting our focus to one of the most contentious subjects concerning Türkiye, Insight Turkey presents two research articles that offer diverse perspectives on the Türkiye-Europe relations. Firstly, Kemal İnat and Filiz Cicioğlu analyze the important developments and general trends in Türkiye-Europe relations in the last century and put forward the main argument that while European countries were the regions with which Türkiye had the closest economic and political relations at the time of the establishment of the Republic, Europe is gradually losing this position. In this article, the authors discuss why the relevant countries chose to pursue a policy of pressure and sanctions against Türkiye’s democratically elected AK Party government and how the Turkish government reacted to such behavior. In the other research article focused on Türkiye-Europe relations, Hasan Ulusoy and Oğuz Güngörmez examine the discourses of right-wing populist parliamentarians in the European Parliament (EP) towards Türkiye from a social constructivist perspective. By comparatively analyzing the 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 parliamentary periods, the authors reveal which discursive strategies the MPs used in their statements about Türkiye and what kind of a representation of Türkiye they built in the EP. From our off-topic pieces, Ewa Czarkowska and Magdalena Kumelska-Koniecko aim to analyze the U.S.’ Middle East strategy in the context of the ongoing distribution of power in the region under the influence of the Iran-Russia-Türkiye triangle, using the example of the Syrian civil war. In the following off-topic research article, Mehmet Öztürk and Melih Duman focus on the development of Türkiye’s relations with Africa by using the role theory and documentary source screening based on Ministry of Foreign Affairs sources. Last but not least, Kıvanç Ulusoy and Pınar Atakara examine the current Cyprus conflict amid Eastern Mediterranean developments contending that the energy discoveries have escalated tensions rather than fostering a solution. Furthermore, they argue that the conflict’s path since the Greek Cypriot administration’s EU membership in 2004 reflects a ‘joint decision trap,’ with EU inaction leading Türkiye to adopt a traditional hard power strategy. In light of these crucial topics, Insight Turkey has included in this issue valuable research that both reflects on Turkish foreign policy from historical perspectives and looks ahead to the future. This exploration is part of our third special issue of the year, commemorating the Centennial of the Republic of Türkiye and unveiling the vision of the Century of Türkiye. We are confident that the thought-provoking and enlightening discussions within this issue will greatly benefit our esteemed readers.

The Security Dimensions Of The Syrian Civil War

DOWNLOAD
Author : Serhat Ahmet Erkmen
language : en
Publisher: CRC Press
Release Date : 2024-12-16

The Security Dimensions Of The Syrian Civil War written by Serhat Ahmet Erkmen and has been published by CRC Press this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2024-12-16 with Political Science categories.

Syria's bloody civil war has plunged the cradle of the Levant into a painful spiral of violence. This spiral of violence has caused profound social, political, economic, and strategic changes in Syria. But the effects of the civil war are not limited to Syria. The civil war in Syria has become a direct problem not only for Syria but also for Türkiye, Iraq, Lebanon, and Jordan. However, most observers agree that of all Syria's neighbors, Türkiye has been the most affected by the civil war. When one thinks of Türkiye and Syria together in recent years, two concepts come to mind most often: Military operations and migration. However, conflicts in Syria have been perceived in a broader security paradigm in Türkiye. The main topics of the book can be summarized as follows: Border issues, sovereignty disputes, alliances, and military interventions in Türkiye–Syria relations. The effects of the civil war in Syria on Türkiye's foreign policy, economy, social structure, and internal security. Reflections of the civil war on Türkiye's relations with Iran, the US, and Russia. Increasing separatist and radical Salafist terrorism in Türkiye in line with the spillover effect of civil wars. Cross-border operations and Türkiye's military capacity. The problem of migration. Within the framework of the topics addressed, the book provides a comprehensive reading of the security problems caused by the Syrian Civil War on Türkiye. We believe that this book will shed light on why Türkiye perceives what is happening in Syria from a security perspective. In fact, the main idea of the book is simple: Syria has been a security issue for Türkiye since the 1930s, and it is still a security issue now. After approximately 100 years, the main idea has not changed. The only thing that has changed is how security is defined.

Insight Turkey Spring 2022 Rethinking Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond

DOWNLOAD
Author :
language : de
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2022-08-01

Insight Turkey Spring 2022 Rethinking Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond written by and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2022-08-01 with Political Science categories.

One significant element is dragging the world community toward the necessity of going beyond national borders and interests to work together in the face of the new challenges that it poses: the environment and its security. Today the biggest and maybe the most neglected threat to humanity, in many pundits’ eyes, is global warming. The implications of subsequent climate change will have far-reaching impacts in all regions of the world, but they require special attention in industrialized countries that have compounded the consequences for the rest of the world, which is classified as developing or undeveloped. The challenge, on the other hand, does not acknowledge differences and thus requires collective action. Just to mention a few, some of the most felt effects of climate change are rising sea levels, resource depletion, freshwater shortages, deforestation, biodiversity loss, and natural disasters like floods, hurricanes, droughts, and wildfires. Indeed, according to the latest data from the World Health Organization it is estimated that in the period between 2030 to 2050 climate change alone will cause approximately 250,000 additional deaths per year because of malnutrition, malaria, diarrhea, and heat stress. The severity of these environmental problems has brought to the fore profound discussions on their impact on humans, states, and the world as a whole. As a result, debates over the securitization of the environment have gained prominence, especially in the late 1970s –due to the oil crises– and early 1990s –as the Cold War came to an end. On the one hand, the main focus of these debates has been on the impact that resource scarcity has on national security and cross border conflicts. On the other hand, moving away from the traditional understanding of security, the debates have concentrated on human security, specifically the threat that the environmental changes pose to the existence of human life on this planet. Alongside these discussions, considering that the environmental changes have a global impact, several international efforts have taken place to address these issues and find possible solutions. Starting in 1972 with the first world conference on environment –(United Nations Conference on the Human Environment)– in Stockholm several other undertakings have been held, especially after the end of the Cold War, i.e. the Earth Summit in 1992, which led later to the ratification of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Within the latter’s framework, the UN holds yearly conferences (Conference of Parties, COP) that tackle the latest issues on climate change and environmental security, the most recent one held in Glasgow, Scotland. It is indeed these conferences that led to important international charters such as the Kyoto Protocol and Paris Agreement. In the light of these events, states have started to change and adopt their national security policies by taking into consideration the above-mentioned agreements and the ongoing environmental changes. However, despite these efforts, the world faces several environmental problems which emphasize the need for rapid and direct action. As an illustration, just in recent months, as the world is shaken by the Russia-Ukraine war, it has once again been demonstrated that environmental security –in this case in terms of food security– goes beyond the borders and will have a global impact. Türkiye, like all other nations, is facing the harsh reality of global change and looking into the challenge of dealing with its ramifications. Ankara joined the Kyoto Protocol in 2009 and the Paris Agreement in October 2021 under President Erdoğan. Türkiye is committed to reaching net-zero carbon emissions by 2053 through the implementation of these initiatives. It was noted in Türkiye’s Eleventh Development Plan (2019-2023) that the country was committed to making significant economic and social changes to implement a ‘green revolution’, one element of the larger initiative to construct ‘green cities’ being the National Green Building Certificate System. Furthermore, the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization, and Climate Change of Türkiye developed a Regional Climate Change Course of Action, outlining the steps that must be taken to assuage the negative consequences of climate change. The Ministry emphasized its awareness of the need for fresh approaches to protect water sources, lower water use, improve rain harvests, recycle water, and build drip irrigation systems when it adopted the National Climate Adaptation Strategy and Course of Change (2011-2023). To better understand and reflect on these effects in this special issue of Insight Turkey we invited scholarly papers focusing on the dimensions of environmental security and their impact on international politics. As with all our past special issues, we have focused on Türkiye’s policy efforts to mitigate the harmful effects of environmental change. To account for the nexus between geopolitics and environmental security Peter Hough’s commentary approaches the issue from a supranational angle by bringing under the spotlight the great power competition in the Arctic. The author argues that, although the Arctic is still not an arena for war due to geopolitical rivalry among world powers, environmental issues pose the greatest dangers as intergovernmental ties in the area deteriorate. According to Hough, Russian energy export disruptions caused by Western sanctions may force the Kremlin to explore ecologically destructive initiatives further north. Canada may also be tempted to make up for energy shortages by restarting controversial drilling projects that were previously abandoned. The sparsely inhabited Arctic is unable to deal with oil spills, and additional incursions would result in higher pollution and much more destructive social disturbance. In a similar vein in our second commentary, Lassi Heininen assumes that although there is a new (East-West) great power competition with its associated conflicts in international politics, no violent conflicts arise in the Arctic, but environmental degradation and rapid climate change continue to endanger the inhabitants. The author further highlights the fact that in international politics, there is an urgent need to expand beyond the unified state system and achieve what was previously done domestically on a global, planetary scale, yet this is not occurring. Overall, both commentaries on the Arctic reveal that the post-Cold War Arctic is an intriguing case study for emphasizing the importance of the environment, as well as a reminder that high geopolitical stability and mutually beneficial common interests are both products of, and prerequisites for, effective collaboration. In our third on-topic commentary Karim Elgendy focuses on a more disputed case, namely the East Mediterranean. As the author rightly points out the Eastern Mediterranean area is a disjointed area covering a diverse group of countries formed by core topography and overlapping geopolitical goals. One thing is a common concern, though, the climatic issues and a system for cooperation urgently in the Eastern Mediterranean. Three on-topic research articles, two from a local viewpoint and one from an international one are included in our special edition and focus on the relationship between environmental security and climate change. Ayşegül Kibaroğlu uses institutional and cross-sector (energy and food) analyses to define Türkiye’s water security policies and practices with a particular focus on the transboundary water security strategies of Türkiye. The author concludes that a strong institutional structure, notably at the state level, has been built to achieve Türkiye’s overall socio-economic development objectives, which depend on the development of water and land resources. The need for improved governance, with proper coordination and cooperation among the public, private, and non-governmental institutions in charge of securing water for agricultural and hydropower development, domestic and industrial uses, as well as the preservation and protection of the environment, is however necessitated by the various types of increasing pressures on scarce water resources. Following up, İzzet Arı evaluates the framework of Turkish national climate policy against the backdrop of global climate change discussions. The paper succinctly explains how Türkiye is helping to combat climate change on a global scale. The basic tenets of Türkiye’s stance in climate negotiations include climate justice, taking into account the historical obligations of industrialized nations, the ‘Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities’ (CBDR-RC) concept, and equitable burden-sharing among all parties. As a result, the Paris Agreement’s structure, obligation coverage, and goals are consistent with Türkiye’s overall climate policy. Türkiye’s attempts to ensure equity in the UNFCCC’s classification of nations reflect its ambitions for climate justice. In the conclusion, the author warns that while Türkiye’s demand for climate justice must still be taken into account in current international climate discussions, Türkiye should incorporate and execute national climate policies into its development plans and programs. In our next on-topic research paper Yasemin Kaya questions the role of International Environmental Regimes (IERs) in global environmental governance. She astutely argues that as the Anthropocene is fundamentally altering the contextual settings in which IERs work, the scope of mainstream conversations about the effectiveness of IERs be widened to include the earth system viewpoint. The conclusion of the paper is bitter yet insightful. Despite continued attempts by regimes, environmental indicators reveal that there has been a tremendous increase in global environmental change. The efficacy of environmental regimes is a contentious topic since IERs, whose purpose is to collaborate to produce solutions for environmental problems, have not been sufficiently successful in this regard. Three off-topic research articles and one commentary enrich the scope of our special issue. Heiran-Nia and Monshipouri provide a thorough yet not exhaustive account of the situation of the middle class in Iran, which is taken to be on the slippery slope, switching from its dream of political reform to the reality of economic security. Thus, the authors fittingly refer to the Iranian middle class nowadays as economically comparable to the lowest strata of society, and they argue that this group largely seeks economic rather than political advancement. Duran, in the second off-topic research article of our special issue, attempts to elaborate on the dynamics of the normalization process ushered in by the Arab Spring and Türkiye’s role in spearheading this process with projected outcomes aimed at long-term stability in the region. Our final commentary by Ali Bakır covers the normalization procedures between the major parties in the Middle East from 2021 to 2022, as well as the efforts at reconciliation and rapprochement. The author subtly argues that although the normalization efforts have resulted in a fairly favorable environment in the region, it is difficult to assess whether some of the essential actors are forging this new route out of a real desire to do so or simply out of pragmatism. Meanwhile, Burhanettin Duran concludes that regional normalization has become a new political preference for the majority of participants, although it still has certain restrictions, the most significant of which is the intense global rivalry into which this normalization process evolved. Finally, Mohammed Torki Bani Salameh and Ahmad Ishakat investigate the dynamics of Israel’s perception of danger and security policy by integrating the two major theoretical frameworks of constructivism and realism. Revealing how identity and security perceptions shape the policy of Israel, the authors believe realist constructivism can help understand Israel’s behavior. While the importance of environmental security certainly is going to increase in the following years as more regional and global actors will join the fight against the climate change, it is critical to examine and understand the issue from geopolitical, economic, and legal perspectives. With that said, we are confident that this issue of Insight Turkey entitled “Rethinking Environmental Security in Türkiye and Beyond” will present timely studies regarding environmental security, a complex and increasingly important issue for Türkiye and the world.

Different Dimensions Of Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond

DOWNLOAD
Author : Muhittin Ataman
language : en
Publisher:
Release Date : 2023

Different Dimensions Of Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond written by Muhittin Ataman and has been published by this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023 with categories.

T Rkiye Ab Li Kilerini Yeniden Ler K Lmak

DOWNLOAD
Author : Talha Köse
language : tr
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Release Date : 2023-12-01

T Rkiye Ab Li Kilerini Yeniden Ler K Lmak written by Talha Köse and has been published by SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-12-01 with Political Science categories.

Energy Environment And Geopolitics In Eurasia

DOWNLOAD
Author : Norman A. Graham
language : en
Publisher: Taylor & Francis
Release Date : 2023-12-22

Energy Environment And Geopolitics In Eurasia written by Norman A. Graham and has been published by Taylor & Francis this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on 2023-12-22 with Political Science categories.

This book advances our understanding of security and its intricate interactions with geopolitics and the environment in Eurasia. Norman A. Graham and Şuhnaz Yılmaz focus on Eurasia, where the energy-water-food nexus has emerged as a vital aspect of political economy and increasinglyas a decisive factor for human security. As clearly revealed during the Russian invasion of Ukraine, this nexus rests on a precarious balance. Graham and Yilmaz argue that Central Eurasia is currently “Running on Empty” and highlight the key environmental challenges, including water quantity and quality and food security. The authors draw on their extensive fieldwork in countries including Azerbaijan, China, Georgia, Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation, Turkey, and Uzbekistan to assess the interests and impact of pivotal actors and evaluate the competition and complementarities of these actors regarding water, energy, food security, and foreign policy imperatives. They also examine the broader interaction and implications of security at multiple levels by analyzing the local, national, and international factors in light of geopolitical and environmental challenges. Taking a novel and highly interdisciplinary approach, this book will be an important resource for students and scholars of energy and food security, political economy, international conflict and cooperation, and natural resource politics.

Energy Security T Rkiye As An Energy Actor

DOWNLOAD
Author : Fatih Barış Altunyuva
language : tr
Publisher: Nobel Bilimsel Eserler
Release Date :

Energy Security T Rkiye As An Energy Actor written by Fatih Barış Altunyuva and has been published by Nobel Bilimsel Eserler this book supported file pdf, txt, epub, kindle and other format this book has been release on with Education categories.

Different Dimensions Of Environmental Security In T Rkiye And Beyond

Recent Posts